Skip to main content

Full text of "The Journey of Coronado, 1540-1542: From the City of Mexico to the Grand ..."

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book lhal w;ls preserved for general ions on library shelves before il was carefully scanned by Google as pari of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

Il has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one thai was never subject 

to copy right or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often dillicull lo discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher lo a library and linally lo you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud lo partner with libraries lo digili/e public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order lo keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial panics, including placing Icchnical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make n on -commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request thai you use these files for 
personal, non -commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort lo Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each lile is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use. remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 

countries. Whether a book is slill in copyright varies from country lo country, and we can'l offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through I lie lull lexl of 1 1 us book on I lie web 
al |_-.:. :.-.-:: / / books . qooqle . com/| 

d« Google 

lf Google 




d« Google 

d« Google 

d« Google 


am Google 


d« Google 


t the earliest, picture 

ligirized t, G00gk' 

Journey of Coronado 


from the City of Mexico to the 
Grand Canon of the Colorado 
and the Buffalo Plains of Texas, 

Kansas and Nebraska 
As told by himself and his followers 

George Parker Winship 


New York 

am Google 

Printed In the United States of Ann 

l.g.nzed I:, G<X)gIe 


The narratives printed in the present vol- 
ume tell the story of one of the most remark- 
able explorations recorded in the annals of 
American history. Seventy-five years be- 
fore the English succeeded in establishing 
themselves on the northeastern coast of 
North America, a band of Spaniards, start- 
ing from what was already a populous and 
flourishing colony at the City of Mexico, 
penetrated the opposite extreme of the con- 
tinent, and explored thoroughly a region as 
extensive as die coast line of the United 
States from Maine to Georgia. 

The accounts of their experiences printed j 
herewith were all written by members of the 
expedition. With two exceptions they were 
written during the journey, and were the 
official reports prepared by the general and 
sent to the viceroy in Mexico or the emperor- 
king in Spain, or by the lieutenants in charge 
of special explorations. The first and prin- 
cipal narrative was written for the purpose 
of providing a history of the expedition, by 
one of the common soldiers some time after 
his return to Mexico, when he apparently 
felt that there was danger that posterity 
would forget the deeds of those with whom 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


he had toiled and Buffered in the Tain search 
for something which would reward their 
costly undertaking. All that is known of 
the author, Pedro Caataneda^beyond what 
he relates in this narrative, is that he wa3 a 
native of the Biscayan town of Najera in 
northern Spain, who had established himself 
in the Spanish outpost at Culiacan, in north- 
western Mexico, at the time Coronado organ- 
ized his expedition, and that he was the 
father of eight surviving children, who, with 
their mother, presented in 1554 a claim 
against the Mexican treasury, on account of 
the father's exploits. The Spanish text of 
Castaneda's history is preserved in the Lenox 
Library, now absorbed into the New York 
Public Library. It is printed, together with 
the translations reprinted herewith, in the 
Fourteenth Annual Report of the United 
States Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 
D. C, 1896, a volume which has long been 
out of print. In the present book many 
passages in these translations have been re- 
vised and corrected. The editor is under 
obligations to Mr. F. W. Hodge of the 
Smithsonian Institution, Mr. W. M. Tipton 
of Santa F^, Mr. Charles F. Lummis of Los 
Angeles, and Mr. Bipley Hitchcock and Mr. 
F. S. Dellenbaugh of New York, for sugges- 
tions and assistance in regard to these im- 
provements in the text. 

In February, 1540, the army whose for- 
tunes are recounted in these narratives as- 
sembled at Compostela, on the Pacific coast 
west of Mexico city. When it passed in 

sit, Google 


review before the viceroy Mendoza, who had 
provided the funds and equipment, the gen- 
eral in command, Francisco Vazquez Corona- 
do, rode at the head of some two hundred 
and fifty horsemen and seventy Spanish foot 
soldiers armed with crossbows and harque- 
buses. Besides these there were three hun- 
dred or more native allies, and upward of a 
thousand negro and Indian servants and fol- 
lowers, to lead the spare horses, drive the 
pack mules, carry the extra luggage, and 
herd the droves of oxen and cows, sheep and 

The expedition started on February 23d, 
and a month later, on Easter day, it entered 
Culiacan, then the northwestern out-post 
of European civilization, half way up the 
mainland coast of the Gulf of California. 
Here Coronado reorganized his force and, 
toward the end of April, he started north- 
ward into the unknown country with a 
picked force of two hundred men equipped 
for rapid marching, leaving the rest to follow 
at the slower pace of the pack trains and the 
four-footed food supplies. Following the 
river courses up stream, the advance party 
was soon deep in the mountains. For two 
loog months they persistently pushed ahead, 
the inhospitable country steadily growing 
worse. Eventually other streams showed 
them the way out on to a level district 
crossed by well-worn trails which led them 
toward the "Seven Cities of Cibola." These 
were the goal of whose fame they had heard 
from the Franciscan friar, Marcos of Nice, 



who had viewed them from a distant hill- 
top two years previously, and who now ac-* 
oompanied the expedition as guide and chap-j 

It was perhaps on July 4th, 1540, that 
Coronado drew up his force in front of the 
first of the "Seven Cities," and after a sharp 
fight forced his way into the stronghold, th* 
stone and adobe-built pueblo of Hawikuh, 
whose ruins can still be traced on a low hil- 
lock a few miles southwest of the village 
now occupied by the New Mexican Zufii 
Indians. Here the Europeans camped for 
several weeks, seeking rest, refreshment, and 
news of the land. A small party was sent 
off toward the northwest, where another 
group of seven villages was found in the 
region still occupied by the descendants of 
the people whom the Spaniards visited, the 
Moqui tribes of Tusayan. As a result of 
the information secured here, another party 
journeyed westward until its progress was 
stopped by the Grand Carton of the Colorado, 
then seen for the first time by Europeans. 
Explorations were also made toward the east, 
where the river villages along the Bio Grande 
were found to be larger and better stocked 
with food supplies than the settlements at 
Cibola-Zufii. Coronado therefore moved his ' 
headquarters to the largest of these river 
towns, Tiguex, near the modern Bernalillo, a 
short distance north of Albuquerque. Here, 
as the winter of 1540-41 was setting in, he 
was rejoined by the main body of the army, 
which had laboriously followed the trail of 

., .Google 


its general through the mountains and across 
the desert. 

In one of the river villages Coronado 
found an Indian slave who said he was a 
native of Quivira, which he described as a 
rich, and populous place far away in the east. 
Acting upon this information, with the In- 
dian as a guide, Coronado started on April 
23d, 1541, with bis whole army to march to 
Quivira. From Cieuye or Pecos, whose 
rains can still be seen by the traveller from 
the Atchison, Topeka and Santa ¥6 trains, 
the guide seems to have led the white men 
down the Pecos Biver until they were out of 
the mountains, and on to the vast plains 
where they soon met the countless herds 
of bison or "humpbacked oxen." For 
five weeks the Europeans plodded onward 
across what is now known as the " Staked 
Plains," following a generally easterly direc- 

They had probably crossed the upper 
branches of the Colorado Biver of Texas and 
reached the headwaters of the Nueces, when 
Coronado became convinced that his guide 
was endeavoring to lose hi™ in this limitless 
expanse of rolling prairie. The food supplies 
were beginning to ran low, and so the army 
was ordered to return to the villages on the 
Bio Grande. Some of the natives of the 
plains, met with on the march, had answered 
the questions about Quivira by pointing to- 
ward the north. That no chance might be 
left untried, the general selected thirty of 
the freshest and best-mounted of his men to 

gmzed t, GoOglt! 


accompany him in a search in that direction. 
For forty-two days they followed the compass 
needle, whose variation probably took them 
about three degrees west of a true northward 
course. At last their guides told them that 
they had reached Quivira, when they were 
not far from Great Bend on the Arkansas 
Eiver, whose course they had followed from 
the neighborhood of Dodge City. It was a 
village of Wichita Indian tepees. 

Coronado spent a month in exploring the 
surrounding country, moving his camp to a 
larger village further north, and sending out 
messengers and reconnoitering parties in all 
directions. Having assured himself that 
there was nothing to reward his search, he 
returned to the main body of his army, the 
Quiviran guides leading him by a much 
shorter route, along the line of the famous 
Santa Y6 trail, to the Bio Grande. Every 
clew which promised anything of value to 
the Spaniards had been followed to its ut- 
most, without revealing anything which 
they desired. In the spring of 1542 Coro- 
nado started back with his men to Cibola- 
Zuiii, through the rough mountain passages 
to the Gulf of California, and so on down to 
the city of Mexico, where he arrived in the 
early autumn, "very sad and very weary, 
completely worn out and shame-faced." He 
had failed to find any of the things for which 
he went in search. But he had added to the 
world as known to Europeans an extent of 
country bounded on the west by the Colorado- 
Eiver from its mouth to the Grand Canon, 



on the east by the boundless prairies, and 
stretching northward to the upper waters of 
the Bio Grande and the southern boundary 
of Nebraska. 

Geokge Pabkeb Wmsmp. 


(Btw the use, of this outline map and alto the frontispiece 
the publishers are indebted to the cimrtuu of Messrs. Qinn 
<t Co., publishers of "The Louisiana Purchase and the 
Early History, Exploration and Bunding of the West." by 

an, Google 

d« Google 



imODCOIRW, ....... T 

Ithkbaby or thr Cobosado BxnmTtom, 
1B27-1H7, Jud 

Thahblatioh or thb NiHOATivie or Casta- 
SbdjL Aooohkt or thb Expedition to 
Cibola mnoH Took Place in thb Tbab 
164% in Which All Thou Sbttijs- 
lowers, Thkdi Cebbmohibs and Cm- 
tomes, abb Dsscxibed. Written sx 
Pkdbq db CabtaSsda, or Najbha, . jcxtB 

Pumcx, xxix 


Chapter L Treats of the waj we first came to 
know about the Seven Cities, and of now 
Nufio de Guzman made an expedition to 
discover them, 1 

Chapter IT. Of how Francisco Vazquez Coro- 
nado came to be governor, and the second 
account which Cabesa de Vaca gave, . 4 

Chapter m. Of how they killed the negro 
Stephen at Cibola, and Friar Marcos re- 
turned in flight, ft 

Chapter IT. Of how the noble Don Antonio de 
Mendoza made an expedition to discover 
Cibola, 8 

Chapter T. Concerning the captains who went 

to Cibola, 11 


],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


Chapter VI. Of how all the companies col- 
lected in Compostela and setoff on the jour- 
ney in good order, 18 

Chapter VTI. Of how the army reached Chta- 
metla, and the killing of the army-master, 
and the other things that happened up to 
the arrival at Culiacan, . , . .18 

Chapter VI II. Of how the army entered the 
town of Culiacan and the reception it re- 
ceived, and other things which happened 
before the departure, IS 

Chapter IX. Of how the army started from 
Culiacan and the arrival of the general at 
Cibola and of the army at Sefiora and of 
other things that happened, . , .81 

Chapter X. — Of how the army started from the 
town of Sefiora, leaving it inhabited, and 
how it reached Cibola, and of what hap- 
pened to Captain Helchlor Diaz on Ms ex- 
pedition in search of the ships and how he 
discovered the Tison (Firebrand) river, . 96 

Chapter XX How Don Pedro de Tovar discov- 
ered Tusayan or Tutahaco and Don Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand river 
and the other things that had happened, . 89 

Chapter XII. Of how people came from Cicuye 
to Cibola to see the Christians, and how 
Hernando de Alvarado went to see the 
cows, 8T 

Chapter XIII. Of how the general went tow- 
ard Tutahaco with a few men and left the 
army with Don Tristan, who took it to 
Tlguex 43 

Chapter XIV. Of how the army went from 
Cibola to Tigues and what happened to 
them on the way, on account of tbe snow, , 44. 




Chapter XV. Of why Tiguex revolted, and 
how they were punished, without being to 
blame for it 47 

Chapter XVI. Of how they besieged Tiguex 
and took it and of what happened during 
the siege 82 

Chapter XVII. Of how messengers reached the 
army from the valley of BeBora and how 
Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedi- 
tion to the Firebrand river, . . .68 

Chapter XVHL Of how the general managed 
to leave the country in peace so as to go In 
search of Quivira, where the Turk Bald 
there was the most wealth, . .61 

Chapter XIX. Of how they started in search of 
Quivira and of what happened on the way, 64 

Chapter XX. Of how great stones fell in the 
camp, and how they discovered another 
ravine, where the army was divided into 
two parts, tw 

Chapter XXI. Of how the army returned to 
Tiguex and the general reached Quivira, . 78 

Chapter x\i < Of how the general returned 
from Quivira and of other expeditions 
toward the North, 77 


Which Treats of the High Villages akd 

Provinces and or their Habits and 

Customs, as Collected by Peuro de 

CastaAeda, Native of the City or 

Najara, 63 

, Chapter I. Of the province of Culiacan and of 

Its habits and customs 64 




Chapter IL Of the province of Petlatlan and 
all the Inhabited country as far at Chlchil- 
tlcalll, 87 

Chapter DX Of ChichJltlcalli and the desert, 
of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of 
other things 90 

Chapter IV. Of how they live atTiguox, and 
of the province of Tiguoi and its neighbor- 
hood, M 

Chapter V. Of Cicuye and the Tillages in Its 
neighborhood, and of how some people 
came to conquer this country, . . . 103 

Chapter VL Which gives the number of Til- 
lages which were seen in the country of the 
terraced houses, and their population, , 100 

Ohapter VII. Which treats of the plains that 
were crossed, of the cows, and of the peo- 
ple who inhabit them, .... 100 

Chapter VTH Of Quivira, of where It to and 
some information about It, . . . . 118 

third part 

Which Descbibes What Happened to 
Francisco Vazquez Coronado During 
the Winter, and How He Gave op 
thb Expedition Asa Return kd to New 
SPAnr, 117 

Chapter I. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came 
from Sefiora with some men, and Don. Gar- 
cia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New 
Spain 117 

Chapter II. Of the general's fall, and of how 
the return to New Spain was ordered, . 110 

Chapter III. Of the rebellion at Buya and the 
reasons the settlers gave for It, . . . 128 


Chapter IV. Of how Friar Juan do Padllta and 
Friar Lais remained In the country and the 
army prepared to return to Mexico, . . 1 

Chapter V. Of how the army left the settle- 
ments and marched to Cunacan, and of 
what happened on the way, , . 1 

Chapter VL Of how the general started from 
Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of 
the army with which he had been In- 
trusted, t 

Chapter VII. Of the adventures of Captain 
Juan Gallego while he waa bringing re- 
enforcements through the revolted conn- 
try, t 

Chapter VHI. Which describes some remark- 
able things that were seen on the plains, 
with a description of the bulb, . . t 

Chapter IX. Which treats of the direction 
which the army took and of how another 
more direct way might be found, if anyone 
was to return to that country, . . . I 

Tranbt. ation op the Letter fbom Hbndoza 
"fro this Euro, Aran, 17, 1640, . . 1 
Translation of the Letter from Coronado 
to Mbndoza, August 8, 1640. Thk Ac- 
count GrvBN by Fbascteco Vazquez 
de Coronado, Captain-General of the 
fobcb which was sknt in the name 
or Hib Majesty to thk Newly Dis- 
covkrrd Couhtby, or What Happened 
to thk Expedition after April 23 or 
the Yeab MDXL, when He Btaeted 
forward fbom coxiaoan, and of what 
He Found, in the Country through 
Which He Passed, 1 


prized t, GoOglt! 

I. Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with 
his army, and after Buffering various Incon- 
veniences on account of the badness of the 
way, reaches the Valley of Hearts, where 
he failed to find any corn, to procure which 
he sends to the valley called Sefiora. He 
receives an account of the important Valley 
of Hearts and of the people there, and of 
some lands lying along that coast, . . 159 

II They come to Chichiltlcale ; after having 
taken two days' rest, they enter a country 
containing very little food and hard to 
travel for 80 leagues, beyond which the 
country becomes pleasant, and there is a 
river called the River of the Flax (del 
Lino) ; they fight against the Indiana, being 
attacked by these ; and having by their vic- 
tory secured the city, they relieve them- 
selves of the pangs of their hunger, . . 164 

117. Of the situation and condition of the Seven 
Cities called the kingdom of Cevola, and 
the sort of people and their customs, and 
of the animals which are found there, . 178 

IV. Of the nature and situation of the king- 
doms of Totonteac, Harata, and Acus, 
wholly different from the account of Friar 
Marcos. The conference which they had 
with the Indiana of the city of Granada, 
which they had captured, who had been 
forewarned of the coming of Christians into 
their country fifty years before. The ac- 
count which was obtained from them con- 
cerning seven other cities, of which Tucano 
b the chief, and how he sent to discover 
them. A present sent to Hendoza of vari- 
ous things found In this country by Vaz- 
quez Coronado, 177 


ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Noevab, 188 

Copy of the Reports and Descriptions that 
Have Bees Received Regarding the Discov- 
ery of a City which is called Cibola, Situ- 
ated In the New Country 18ft 

This is the Latest Account of Cibola, and of 
More than Pour Hundred Leagues Beyond, 190 

Translation of the Relacion del Socebo, 197 

Account of what Happened on the Journey 
which Francisco Vazquez Hade to Discover 
Cibola, 197 

Translation or a Letter fbom Corosado 
to the Eras, October 20, 1541, . . SIS 

Letters from Francisco Vazquez Coronado to 
HIb Majesty, in which he gives an Ac- 
count of the Discovery of the Province of 
Tiguex, 318 

Tbanblaiton or the Narrative or Jara- 

MU.LO, ....... 333 

Account Given by Captain Juan Jaramillo of 
the Journey which he made to the New 
Country, on which Francisco Vazquez Cor- 
onado was the General 229 

Translation of the Report of Hernando 
de Alvarado, 341 

Account of what Hernando de Alvarado and 
Friar Juan de Padilla Discovered Going in 
Search of the South Sea, . . . .341 

Testimony Concerning Those Who went 


Vazquez Coronado 34S 

am Google 

d« Google 

EXPEDITIONS, 1527-1547 

Aran, IS Narvaea lands In Florida. 
Ban'. 32 Tbe failure of the Narvaea expedition 
Is assured. 

Cortes makes a settlement in Lower 
i Mendoza come* to Mexico aa viceroy of 
Hew Spain. 


April Cabeza de Yaca and three other sur- 
vivors of the Narvaea expedition ar- 
rive in New Spain. 
The Licentiate de la Torre takes the 
reeldencia of Nufio de Guzman, who 
is imprisoned until June 80, 1688. 

Franciscan friars labor among the In* 
dian tribes living north of New Spain. 
Ooronado subdues the revolted miners 

of Amatepeque. 
The proposed expedition under Dorantea 
comes to naught. 
Aran. 20 De Soto receives a grant of the main- 
land of Florida, 

an, Google 


March 7 Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by 
the negro Estevan, starts from Culia- 
can to find the Seven Cities. 

APRIL 18 The appointment of Coronado as gov- 
ernor of New Galicia is confirmed. 

May De Soto sails from Habana. 

Mat 9 Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of 


Mat 21 Friar Marcos learns of the death of 

Mat 25 De Soto lands on the coast of Florida. 

Jult 8 Ulloa sails from Aeapulco nearly to the 
head of the Gulf of California in com- 
mand of a fleet furnished by Cortes. 

August Friar Marcos returns from the north and 

Sept. 2 certifies to the truth of his report be- 

fore Mendoza and Coronado. 

October The news of Niza's discoveries spreads 
through New Spain. 

Not. • Mendoza begins to prepare for an expe- 
dition to conquer the Seven Cities of 
Melchior Diaz is sent to verify the re- 
ports of Friar Marcos. , 
De Soto finds the remains of the camp 
of Narvaez at Bahia de los Cavallos. 

Nov. 13 Witnesses in Habana describe the effect 
of the friar's reports. 


Jab. 1 * Mendoza celebrates the new year at 

Jan. 9 Coronado at Guadalajara. 

Feb. S Cortes stops at Habana on his way to 

Feb. \The members of the Cibola expedition 


an, Google 


assemble at Compostela, where the 
viceroy finds them on his arrival. 

Feb. 22. Review of the army on Sunday. 

Feb. 23. The army, under the command of Fran- 
cisco Vazquez Coronado, starts for 
Cibola (not ou February 1). 

Feb. 26. i Mendoza returns to Compostela, hav- 
ing left the army two days before, 
and examines witnesses to discover 
how many citizens of New Spain have 
accompanied Coronado. He writes a 
letter to King Charles V, which has 
been lost. 

March The army is delayed by the cattle in 
crossing the rivers. 
The death of the army master, Saman- 

iego, at Chiametla. 
Return of Melchior Diaz and Juan de 
Saldivar from Chichilticalli. 

Habch 8 Beginning of litigation in Spain over 
the right to explore and conquer the 
Cibola country. 

Habch 28 Reception to the army at Culiacan, on 
Easter day. 

April The army is entertained by the citizens 

of Culiacan. 
} Meudoza receives the report of Melchior 
Diaz' exploration, perhaps at Jaoona. 
I Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an 
account of what has already hap- 
pened, and of the arrangements which 
he has made for the rest of the journey. 
This letter has been lost. ' 

April 17 | Mendoza writes to the Emperor 
Charles V. 

April 22 Coronado departs from Culiacan with 
about seventy -five horsemen and a few 

April Coronado passes through Fetatlan, 

Mat Cinaloa, Los Cedros, Yaquemi, and 

other places mentioned by Jaramillo. 

Mat 9 Alarcon sails from Acapulco to coop- 

erate with Coronado. The army starts 
from Culiacan and marches toward 
the Corazones or Hearts valley. 

May 26 Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones. 

Jure He proceeds to Chichilticalli, passing 


ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Senom or Bonon and Ispa, and thence 
crosses the Arizona wilderness, ford- 
ing many rivers. 
The army builds the town of San Hle- 
ronimo In Corazones valley. 

Jut.t 7 Ooronado reaches Cibola and captures 
the first city , the pueblo of Hawikuh, 
which he calls Granada. 

July 11 The Indians retire to their stronghold 
on Thunder mountain. 

July 15 Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayaa or 
Moid, returning within thirty days. 

July 19 Coronado goes to Thunder mountain 
and returns the same day. 

Ana. 3 | Ooronado writes to Hendoza. He sends 
Juan Gallego to Mexico, and Meichlor 
Diaz to Comzones with orders for the 
army. Friar Marcos accompanies 

Ana. 30 (I) Lopez de Cardenas starts to find the 

canyons of Colorado river, and Is gone 

about eighty days. 
Aoo. 29 Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado 

Auo. 39 Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward 

to Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, and to 

the buffalo plains . 
Pedro de Alvarado arrives In New 

San. 7 Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex. 
Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about 
the middle of September, and the 
' army starts for Cibola. 
Coronado visits Tutahaco. 
Sept. to The army reaches Cibola, and goes 
Jaotuby thence to Tiguex for its winter quar- 
ters. The natives In the Rio Grande 


Diaz starts from Corazones before the 
end of September, with twenty -five 

am Google 


Not. 29 t Mendoza and Pedro de Alvnrado sign 
an agreement In regard to common ex- 
ploration and conquests. 


Jut. 8 Diaz dies on the return from the mouth 

of the Colorado, and his companions 
return to CorsEOnes valley. 

Mabch Alcar&z, during the spring, moves the 
village of San Hieronlmo from Cora- 
zones Taller to the Taller of Suva 

Aran. 20 Beginning of the Mil ton war In New 

Ooronado writes a letter to the King 

from Tiguex, which has been lost 
Tovar and perhaps Gallego return to 

Awl 38 Ooronado starts with all his force from "• 

Tiguex to cross the buffalo plains to 

Mat The army is divided somewhere on the 

great plains, perhaps on Canadian 

river. The main body returns to 

Tiguex, arriving there by the middle 

or last of June. 
De Soto crosses the Mississippi. 
Jtrmt Ooronado, with thirty horsemen, rides 

north to Quivira, where he arrives 

forty-two (?) days later. 
Jmrsj 34 Pedro de Alvarado is killed at Nochla- 

tlan, In New Galicia. 
AustrsT Ooronado spends about twenty -five days 

in the country of Quivira, leaving 

"the middle or last of August. " 
8m 38 The Indians in New Galicia attack the 

town of Guadalajara, but are re- 

Oct. 2 Coronado returns from Quivira to Ti- 

guex and writes a letter to the King. 

Not. Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with 

some other invalids from the army. 
He finds the village of Sura in ruins 
and hastily returns to Tiguex. 
Ooronado falls from his horse and is 
seriously injured. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


The Hliton peficl la surrendered by the 
revolted Indians during holiday week. 

Coronado and his soldiers determine to 
return to New Spain. They start in 
the spring, and reach Mexico probably 
late in the autumn. The general 
makes his report to the viceroy, who 
receives him coldly. Coronado not 
long after resigns his position as gov- 
ernor of New Gallcia and retires to his 

■an. 17 De Soto reaches the mouth of Red river, 
where he dies, Hay 31. 

m 27 Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the 
California coast. He dies In January, 
1648, and the vessels return to New 
Spain by April, 1544. 

tv. 1 Villalobos starts across the Pacific. Els 
fleet meets with many misfortunes 
and losses. The survivors, five years 
or more later, return to Spain. 

>v, 35 Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at 11- 
guez, where he remained when the 
army departed for New Spain. Friar 
Luis also remained In the new coun- 
try, at Cicuye, and Friar Juan de 
Padilla, at Quivira, where he is killed. 
The companions of Friar Juan de Pa- 
dilla make their way back to Mexico, 
arriving before 1 652. 

iv. 80 Promulgation of the New Laws for 

VHendoza, before he leaves New Spain 
to become viceroy of Peru, answers 
the charges preferred against him by 
the officials appointed to investigate 
bis administration. 
xx vi 

am Google 


Aeeeunt of the expedition to Cibola which took place 
in the year 1540, in which all thou eettlemente, their 
teremonie* and euttcmei, are described. Written by 
Ptdro de Gattaneda, o/Najera. 

am Google 

d« Google 


To me it seems vory certain, my very 
noble lord, that it is a worthy ambition for 
great men to desire to know and wish to 
preserve for posterity correct information 
concerning the things that have happened 
in distant parts, about which little is known. 
I do not blame those inquisitive persons 
who, perchance with good intentions, have 
many times troubled me not a little with 
their requests that I clear up for them some 
doubts which they have had about different 
tilings that have been commonly related con- 
cerning the events and occurrences that took 
place during the expedition to Cibola, or the . 
New Land, which the good viceroy — may he 
be with God in His glory ' — Don Antonio 
de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on 
which he sent Francisco Vazquez de Corona- 
do as captain-general. 

In truth, they have reason for wishing to 
know the truth, because most people very 
often make things of which they have heard, 
and about which they have perchance no 
knowledge, appear either greater or less than 
they are. They make nothing of those 

1 Mendoza died in Lima, July SI, 1552. 


],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


things that amount to something, and those 
that do not they make so remarkable that 
they appear to be something impossible to 
believe. This may very well have been 
caused by the fact that, as that country was 
not permanently occupied, there has not been 
anyone who was willing to spend his time in 
writing about its peculiarities, because all 
knowledge was lost of that which it was not 
the pleasure of God — He alone knows the 
reason — that they should enjoy. 

In truth, he who wishes to employ him- 
self thus in writing out the things that hap- 
pened on the expedition, and the things that 
were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies 
and customs of the natives, will have matter 
enough to test his judgment, and I believe 
that the result can not fail to be an account 
which, describing only the truth, will be so 
remarkable that it will seem incredible. 

And besides, I think that the twenty 
years and more since that expedition took 
place have been the cause of some stories 
which are related. For example, some make 
it an uninhabitable country, others have it 
bordering on Florida, and still others on 
Greater India, which does not appear to be 
a Blight difference. They are unable to give 
any basis upon which to found their state- 
ments. There are those who tell about 
some very peculiar animals, who are contra- 
dicted by others who were on the expe- 
dition, declaring that there was nothing of 
the sort seen. Others differ aa to the limits 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


of the provinces and even in regard to the 
ceremonies and customs, attributing what 
pertains to one people to others. All this 
has had a large part, my very noble lord, 
in making me wish to give now, although 
somewhat late, a short general account for 
all those who pride themselves on this noble 
curiosity, and to save myself the time taken 
up by these solicitations. Things enough 
will certainly be found here which are hard 
to believe. All or the most of these were 
seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from 
reliable information obtained by inquiry of 
the natives themselves. 

Understanding as I do that this little 
work would be nothing in itself, lacking au- 
thority, unless it were favored and protected 
by a person whose authority would protect 
it from the boldness of those who, without 
reverence, give their murmuring tongues 
liberty, and knowing as I do how great are 
the obligations under which I have always 
been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg 
to submit this little work to your protection. 
May it be received as from a faithful retainer 
and servant. 

It will be divided into three parts, that 
it may be better understood. The first will 
tell of the discovery and the armament or 
army that was made ready, and of the whole 
journey, with the captains who were there; 
the second, of the villages and provinces 
which were found, and their limits, and 
ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, 

ligirized I:, G00gk 


and vegetation, and in what parte of tha 
country these are ; the third, of the return 
of the army and the reasons for abandoning 
the country, although these were insufficient, 
because this is the best place there is for dis- 
coveries — the marrow of the land in thews 
western parts, as will be seen. And after 
this has been made plain, some remarkable 
things which were seen will be described at ' 
the end, and the way by which one might 
more easily return to discover that better . 
land which we did not see, since it would be 
no small advantage to enter the country 
through the land which the Marquis of the 
Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, went in search 
of under the Western star, and which cost 
biT" no small sea armament. 

May it please our Lord to so favor me 
that with my slight knowledge and small 
abilities I may be able by relating the truth 
to make my little work pleasing to the 
learned and wise readers, when it has been 
accepted by your grace. For my intention 
is not to gain the fame of a good composer 
or rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful 
account and to do this slight service to your 
grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a 
faithful servant and soldier, who took part 
in it. Although not in a polished style, I 
write that which happened — that which I 
heard, experienced, saw, and did. 

I always notice, and it is a fact, that for 
the most part when we have something 
valuable in our hands, and deal with it 

sit, Google 

d« Google 



without hindrance, we do not value or prize 
it as highly as if we understood how much 
we would miss it after we had lost it, and 
the longer we continue to have it the leas 
we value it ; but after we have lost it and 
miss the advantages of it, we have a great 
pain in the heart, and we are all the time 
imagining and trying to find ways and 
means by which to get it back again. It 
seems to me that this has happened to all 
or most of those who went on the expedition 
which, in the year of our Savior JeBus 
Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado 
led in search of the Seven Cities. 

Granted that they did not find the riches 
of which they had been told, they found a 
place in which to search for them and the 
beginning of a good country to settle in, so 
as to go on farther from there. Since they 
came back from the country which they con- 
quered and abandoned, time has given them 
a chance to understand the direction and 
locality in which they were, and the borders 
of the good country they had in their hands, 
and their hearts weep for having lost so fa- 
vorable an opportunity. Just as men see 
more at the bull fight when they are upon 
the seats than when they are around in the 
ring, now when they know and understand 
the direction and situation in which they 
were, and see, indeed, that they can not en- 
joy it nor recover it, now when it is too late 
they enjoy telling about what they saw, and 
even of what they realize that they lost, 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 

especially those who are now as poor as 
when they went there. They have never 
ceased their labors and have spent their time 
to no advantage. I say this because I have 
known several of those who came back from 
there who amuse themselves now by talking 
of how it would be to go back and proceed 
to recover that which is lost, while others 
enjoy trying to find the reason why it was 
discovered at all. And now I will proceed 
to relate all that happened from the begin* 

sit, Google 



Treats of the way we first came to know about 
the Seven Cities, and of how NuBo de Guzman 
made an expedition to discover them. 

In the year 1530 NuKo de Guzman, who 
waa President of New Spain, 1 had in hia pos- 
session an Indian, a native of the valley or 
valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo hy 
the Spaniards. This Indian said he was the 
Bon of a trader who was dead, but that when 
he was a little boy his father had gone into 
the hack country with fine feathers to trade 
for ornaments, and that when he came back 
he brought a large amount of gold and silver, 
of which there is a good deal in that coun- 
try. He went with him once or twice, and 
saw some very large villages, which he com- 
pared to Mexico and its environs. He had 
Been seven very large towns which had streets 
of silver workers. It took forty days to go 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


there from his country, through a wilderness 
in which nothing grew, except some very 
small plants about a span high. The way 
they went was up through the country be- 
tween the two seas, following the northern 
direction. Acting on this information, Nuflo 
do Guzman got together nearly 400 Span- 
iards and 20,000 friendly Indians of New 
Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, 
he crossed Tarasca, which is in the province 
of Michoacan, so as to get into the region 
which the Indian said was to be crossed 
toward the North sea, in this way getting to 
the country which they were looking for, 
which was already named " The Seven Cities." 
He thought, from the forty days of which 
the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found 
to be about 200 leagues, and that they would 
easily be able to cross the country. 

Omitting several things that occurred on 
this journey, as soon as they had reached 
the province of Culiacan, where his govern- 
ment ended and where the New Kingdom of 
Galicia is now, they tried to cross the coun- 
try, but found the difficulties very great, be- 
cause the mountain chains which are near 
that sea are so rough that it was impossible, 
after great labor, to find a passageway in that 
region. His whole army had to stay in the 
district of Culiacan for so long on this ac- 
count that some rich men who were with 
him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed 
their minds, and every day became more 
anxious to return. Besides this, Nufio do 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Guzman received word that the Marquis of 
the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come 
from Spain with his new title, 1 and with 
great favors and estates, and aa Nufio do 
Guzman had been a great rival of his at the 
time he was president,' and had done much 
damage to his property and to that of his 
friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes 
would want to pay him back in the same 
way, or worse. So he decided to establish 
the town of Culiacan there and to go back 
with the other men, without doing anything 

After his return from this expedition, he 
founded Xalisco, where the city of Com- 
poetela is situated, and Tonala, which is 
called Guadalaxara,' and now this is the 
New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they 
had, who was called Tejo, died about this 
time, and thus the name of these Seven 
Cities and the search for them remains until 
now, since they have not been discovered.* 

> Marques del Valle da Oaxaca y Capltan General 
de la Nueva Banana y de la Costa del Bur. 

■ Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, 
who wrs In Spain at the time, for the murder o* "" 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 



Of how Francisco Vazquez Corouado came to be 
governor, and the second account which Cabeza de 
Yaca gave. 

Eight years after Nuflo de Guzman made 
this expedition, be was put in prison by a 
juoz de residencia, 1 named the licentiate 
Diego de la Torre, who came from Spain 
with sufficient powers to do this.* After 
the death of the judge, who had also man- 
aged the government of that country himself, 
the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy 
of New Spain, appointed as governor of that 
province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, a 
gentleman from Salamanca, who had married 
a lady in the city of Mexico, the daughter 
of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and at 
one time governor of Mexico, and the son, 
most people said, of His Catholic Majesty 
Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as cer- 
tain. As I was saying, at the time Fran- 
cisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he 
was traveling through New Spain as an offi- 
cial inspector, and in this way he gained the 
friendship of many worthy men who after- 
ward went on his expedition with him. 

'A judge appointed to investigate the accounts 
and administration of a royal official. 

' A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and 
his administration is given by Mota. Padilla (ed. 
lcazbalceta, pp. 103-106). He was appointed iuea 
March 17, 1586, and died during 1588. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


It happened that just at this time three 
Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, 
and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who 
had been lost on the expedition which Pam- 
filo de Nai-vaez led into Florida, reached 
Mexico.' They came out through Culiacan, 
having crossed the country from sea to sea, 
as anyone who wishes may find out for him- 
self by an account which this same Cabeza 
de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don 
Philip, who is now King of Spain and our 
sovereign.' They gave the good Don An- 
tonio de Mendoza an extended account of 
some powerful villages, four and five stories 
high, of which they had heard a great deal 
in the countries they had crossed, and other 
things very different from what turned out 
to be the truth. The noble viceroy com- 
municated this to the new governor, who 
gave up the visits he had in hand, on account 
of this, and hurried his departure for his gov- 
ernment, taking with him the negro who 
had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the 
three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one 
of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice, 
a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a 
lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de 
Santa Maria. When he reached the prov- 
ince of Culiacan he sent the friars just meo- 

1 They appeared in New Spain in April, 1586, be- 
fore Coronado'a appointment. CastaBeda may be 
right in the rest of hia statement. 

■This account has been translated by Buckingham 
Smith, New York, 1871. 

am Google 


tioned and the negro, who was named 
Stephen, off in search of that country, be- 
cause Friar Marcos offered to go and see it, 
because he had been in Peru at the time 
Don Pedro do Alvarado went there overland. 
It seems that, after the friars I have men- 
tioned and the negro had started, the negro 
did not get on well with the friars, because 
he took the women that were given him and 
collected turquoises, and got together a stock 
of everything. Besides, the Indians in those 
places through which they went got along 
with the negro better, because they had seen 
him before. This was the reason he was 
sent on ahead to open up the way and pacify 
the Indians, so that when the others came 
along they had nothing to do except to keep 
an account of the things for which they were 

After Stephen had left the friars, he 
thought he could get all the reputation and 
honor himself, and that if he should discover 
those settlements with such famous high 
houses, alone, he would be considered bold 
and courageous. So he proceeded with the 
people who had followed him, and attempted 
to cross the wilderness which lies between 
the country he had passed through and Gi- 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


bob. He was so far ahead of the friars 
that, when these reached Chichil.tica.lU, 
which is on the edge of the wilderness, he 
was already at Cibola, which is 80 leagues 
beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to 
the edge of the wilderness, and 80 across the 
desert, which makes 300, or perhaps 10 
more or less. As I said, Stephen reached 
Cibola loaded with the large quantity of tur- 
quoises they had given him and some beau- 
tiful women whom the Indians who fol- 
lowed him and carried his things were tak- 
ing with them and had given him. These 
had followed him from all the settlements 
he had passed, believing that under his pro- 
tection they could traverse the whole world 
without any danger. 

But as the people in this country were 
more intelligent than those who followed 
Stephen, they lodged him in a little hut 
they had outside their village, and the older 
men and the governors heard his story and 
took steps to find out the reason he had come 
to that country. For three days they made 
inquiries about him and held a council. 
The account which the negro gave them of 
two white men who were following him, 
sent by a great lord, who knew about the 
things in the sky, and how these were com- 
ing to instruct them in divine matters, made 
them think that he must be a spy or a guide 
from some nations who wished to come and 
conquer them, because it seemed to them 
unreasonable to say that the people were 

— Google 


white in the country from which he . came 
and that he was sent by them, he being 
black. Besides these other reasons, they 
thought it was hard of him to ask them for 
turquoises and women, and so they decided 
to kill him. They did this, hut they did 
not kill any of thoBe who went with him, 
although they kept some young fellows 
and let the others, about 60 persons, return 
freely to their own country. As these, who 
were badly scared, were returning in flight, 
they happened to come upon the friars 
in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and 
told them the sad news, which frightened 
them so much that they would not even 
trust these folks who had been with the 
negro, but opened the packs they were carry- 
ing and gave away everything they had 
except the holy vestments for saying mass. 
They returned from here by double marches, 
prepared for anything, without seeing any 
more of the country except what the Indians 
told them. 


After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had 
sent Friar Marcos of Nice and his party on 
the search already related, he was engaged 
in Guliacan about some business that related 
to his government, when he heard an account 

am Google 


of a province called Topira,* which was to 
the north of the country of Culiacan. He 
started to explore this region with several of 
the conquerors and some friendly Indians, 
but he did not get very far, because the 
mountain chains which they had to cross 
were very difficult. He returned without 
finding the least signs of a good country, and 
when he got back, he found the friars who 
had just arrived, and who told such great 
things about what the negro Stephen had 
discovered and what they had heard from 
the Indians, and other things they had heard 
about the South sea and islands and other 
riches, that, without stopping for anything, 
the governor set off at once for the City of 
Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to 
tell the viceroy about it. He made the 
things seem more important by not talking 
about them to anyone except his particular 
friends, under promise of the greatest secrecy, 
until after he had reached Mexico and seen 
Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then it began 
to be noised abroad that the Seven Cities for 
which NuBo de Guzman had searched, had 
already been discovered, and a beginning 
was made in collecting an armed force and 
in bringing together people to go to conquer 

The noble viceroy arranged with the 
friars of the order of Saint Francis so that 

am Google 


Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as 
a result of which the pulpits of that order 
were filled with such accounts of marvels 
and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards 
and ahout 800 natives of New Spain col- 
lected in a few days. There were so many 
men of such high quality among the Span- 
iards, that such a noble body was never col- 
lected in the Indies, nor so many men of 
quality in such a small body, there being 300 
men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor 
of New Galicia, was captain-general, because 
he had been the author of it all. The good 
viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this 
time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and 
most intimate friend, and because he con- 
sidered him to be wise, skillful, and intelli- 
gent, besides being a gentleman. Had he 
paid more attention and regard to the posi- 
tion in which he was placed and the charge 
over which he was placed, and less to the 
estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at 
least, more to the honor he had and might 
secure from having such gentlemen under 
his command, things would not have turned 
out as they did. When this narrative is 
ended, it will be seen that he did not know 
how to keep his position nor the government 
that he held. 


am Google 



Concerning the captains who went to Cibola. 

When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Men- 
doza, saw what a noble company had come 
together, and the spirit and good will with 
which they had all presented themselves, 
knowing the worth of these men, he would 
have liked very well to make every one of 
them captain of an army ; but as the whole 
number was small he could Dot do as he 
would have liked, and so he issued the com- 
missions and captaincies as he saw fit, be- 
cause it seemed to him that if they were 
appointed by him, as he was bo well obeyed 
and beloved, nobody would find fault with 
his arrangements. After everybody had 
heard who the general was, he made Don 
Pedro de Tovar ensign general, a young gen- 
tleman who was the son of Don Fernando de 
Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward 
of the Queen Dona Juana, our demented 
mistress — may she be in glory — and Lope 
de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at 
Mexico, 1 a gentleman fully equal to the 
charge, army -master. The captains were 
Don Tristan de Arellano; Don Pedro de 
Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara 
and nephew of the Count of Onate; Don 

am Google 


Garcia Lopez de Cardenas; Don Bodrigo 
Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of 
the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of 
Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the 

All the other gentlemen were placed un- 
der the flag of the general, as being distin- 
guished persons, and some of them became 
captains later, and their .appointments were 
confirmed by order of the viceroy and by the 
general, Francisco Vazquez. Taname some 
of them whom I happen to remember* there 
were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gen^lenian 
from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Fiad^ co 
de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior I?* 2 
— a captain who had been mayor of Culiacarcy 
who, although he was not a gentleman, \ 
merited the position he held. The other V 
gentlemen, who were prominent, were Don > 
Alonso Manrique de Lara ; Don Lope de Ur- 
rea, a gentleman from Aragon ; Gomez Suarez 
de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan 
de Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the com- 
missioner Kiberos, and other gentlemen, men 
of high quality, whom I do not now recall 
The infantry captain was Pablo de Melgosa 
of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de 
Alvarado of the mountain district. As I 
say, since then I have forgotten the names 
of many gentlemen. It would be well if I 
could name some of them, so that it might 
be clearly seen what cause I had for saying 
that they had on this expedition the most 
brilliant company ever collected in the la- 


dies to go in search of new lands. But they 
were unfortunate in having a captain who 
left in New Spain estates and a pretty wife, 
a noble and excellent lady, which were not 
the least causes for what was to happen. 


Of how all the companies collected In Compostela 
and set ofl on the journey In good oider. 

When the viceroy Don Antonio de Men- 
doza had fixed and arranged everything as 
we have related, and the companies and cap- 
taincies had been arranged, he advanced a 
part of their salaries from the chest of His 
Majesty to those in the army who were in 
greatest need. And as it seemed to him 
that it would be rather hard for the friendly 
Indians in the country if the army should 
start from Mexico, he ordered them to as- 
semble at the city of Compostela, the chief 
city in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 
leagues from Mexico, so that they could 
begin their journey there with everything 
in good order. There is nothing to tell 
about what happened on this trip, since 
they all finally assembled at Compostela by 
shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and) 

am Google 


After the whole force had left Mexico, he 
ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon to set sail 
with two ships that were in the port of La 
Natividad on the South seacoast, and go to 
the port of Xalisco to take the baggage which 
the soldiers were unable to carry, 1 and thenoe 
to sail along the coast near the army, because 
he had understood from the reports that they 
would have to go through the country near 
the seacoast, and that we could find the har- 
bors by means of the rivers, and that the 
ships could always get news of the army, 
which turned out afterward to be false, and 
so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those 
who owned it lost it, as will be told farther 
on. After the viceroy had completed all his 
arrangements, he set off for Compostola, ac- 
companied by many noble and rich men. 
He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred 
and) forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the 
chief place in the bishopric of Michoaean, 
and from there he crossed the whole of Sew 
Spain, taking much pleasure in enjoying 
the festivals and great receptions which 
were given him, till he reached Compo- 
stela, which is, as I have said, 110 
leagues. There he found the whole com- 
pany assembled, being well treated and en- 
tertained by Cbristobal de Ofiate, who had 
the whole charge of that government for 
the time being. He had had the manage- 
ment of it and was in command of all that 

1 Bee the instructions given lay Mendoza, to Alar- 
con, In Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 1. 

iwized t, Google 

region when Francisco Vazquez was made 

All were very glad when he arrived, and 
he made an examination of the company and 
found all those whom we have mentioned. 
He assigned the captains to their companies, 
and after this was done, on the next day, 
after they had all heard mass, captains and 
soldiers together, the viceroy made them a 
very eloquent short speech, telling them of 
the fidelity they owed to their general and 
showing them clearly the benefits which this 
expedition might afford, from the conversion 
of those peoples as well as in the profit of 
those who should conquer the territory, and 
the advantage to His Majesty and the claim 
which they would thus have on his favor 
and aid at all times. After he had finished, 
they all, both captains and soldiers, gave 
him their oaths upon the Gospels in a Mis- 
sal that they would follow their general on 
this expedition and would obey him in 
everything he commanded them, which they 
faithfully performed, as will be seen. The 
next day after this was done, the army 
started off with its colors fifing. The vice- 
roy, Don Antonio, went with them for two 
days, and there he took leave of them, re- 
turning to New Spain with his friends. 

1 See the writings of Tello and Mote Padilla con- 
cerning Ofiate. Much of the early prosperity of 
New Gallcia— what there was of it— seems to have 
been due to Ofjate' s skillful management. 

am Google 



Of how the army reached Chfametla, and the kill- 
ing of the army-master, and the other thing! that 
happened up to the arrival at Cnliacan. 

After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, 
the army continued its march. As each one 
was obliged to transport his own baggage 
and all did not know how to fasten the 
packs, and as the horses started off fat and 
plump, they had a good deal of difficulty 
and labor during the first few days, and 
many left many valuable things, giving 
them to anyone who wanted them, in order 
to get rid of carrying them. In the end 
necessity, which is all powerful, made them 
skillful, so that one could see many gentle- 
men become carriers, and anybody who 
despised this work was not considered a 

With such labors, which they then thought 
severe, the army reached Chiametla, where 
it was obliged to delay several days to pro- 
cure food. During this time the army-mas- 
ter, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some 
soldiers to find food, and at one village, a 
crossbowman having entered it indiscreetly 
in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him 
through the eye and it passed through his 
brain, so that he died on the spot. They 
also shot five or six of his companions before 
Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


since the commander was dead, collected the 
men and sent word to the general He put 
a guard in the village and over the provi- 
sions. There was great confusion in the 
army when this news became known. He 
was buried here. Several sorties were made, 
by which food was obtained and several of 
the natives taken prisoners. They hanged 
those who seemed to belong to the district 
where the army-master was killed. 

It seems that when the general, Francisco 
Vazquez, left Culiacan with Friar Marcos to 
tell the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, 
the news, as already related, he left orders 
for Captain Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldi- 
var to start off with a dozen good men from 
Culiacan and verify what Friar Marcos had 
seen and heard. They started and went as 
far as Chichilticalli, which is where the 
wilderness begins, 220 leagues from Culia- 
can, and there they turned back, not finding 
anything important. They reached Chia- 
metla just as the army was ready to leave, 
and reported to the general. Although they 
were kept secret, the bad news leaked out, 
and there were some reports which, al- 
though they were exaggerated, did not fail 
to give an indication of what the facts were." 
Friar Marcos, noticing that some were feel- 

1 The report of Diaz Is incorporated in the letter 
from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This 
letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Cuichilti- 
callf; but if such was his Intention when writing 
the report to Mendoza, he must have changed his 
mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla. 

a 17 

sit, Google 


iog disturbed, cleared away these clouds, 
promising that what they would see should. 
be good, and that he would place the army 
in a country where their hands would be 
filled, and in this way he quieted them so 
that they appeared well satisfied. From 
there the army marched to Guliacan, mak- 
ing some detours into the country to seize 
provisions. They were two leagues from 
the town of Guliacan at Easter vespers, when 
the inhabitants came out to welcome their 
governor and begged him not to ent«i the 
town till the day after Easter. 


Of bow the army entered the town of Culiacan 
and the reception it received, and other things which 
happened before the departure. 

When the day after Easter came, the army 
started in the morning to go to the town and, 
as they approached, the inhabitants of the 
town came out on to an open plain with foot 
and horse drawn up in ranks as if for a bat- 
tle, and having its seven bronze pieces of 
artillery in position, making a show of de- 
fending their town. Some of our soldiers 
were with them. Our army drew up in the 
same way and began a skirmish with them, 
and after the artillery on both sides had been 
fired they were driven back, just as if the 
town had been taken by force of arms, which 
was a pleasant demonstration of welcome. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


except for the artilleryman who lost a hand 
by a shot, from having ordered them to fire 
before he had finished drawing out the ram- 

After the town was taken, the army was 
well lodged and entertained by the towns- 
people, who, as they were all very well-to-do 
people, took all the gentlemen and people of 
quality who were with the army into then- 
own apartments, although they had lodgings 
prepared for them all just outside the town. 
Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid 
for this hospitality, because all had started 
with fine clothes and accoutrements, and as 
they had to carry provisions on their animals 
after this, they were obliged to leave their 
fine stuff, so that many preferred giving it 
to their hosts instead of risking it on the 
sea by putting it in the ship that bad fol- 
lowed the army along the coast to take the 
extra baggage, as I have said. After they 
arrived and were twing entertained in the 
town, the general, by order of the viceroy 
Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra, 
uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of 
Castellar, formerly mayor of Seville, as his 
lieutenant and captain in this town. The 
army rested here several days, because the 
inhabitants had gathered a good stock of 
provisions that year and each one shared his 
stock very - gladly with his guests from our 
army. They not only had plenty to eat 
here, but they also had plenty to take away 
with them, so that when the departure came 

am Google 


they started off with more than six hundred 
loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians 
and the servants — more than a thousand 
persons. After a fortnight had passed, the 
general started ahead with about fifty horse- 
men and a few foot soldiers and most of the 
Indian allies, leaving the army, which was 
to follow him a fortnight later, with Don 
Tristan de Arellano in command as his lieu- 

At this time, before his departure, a pretty 
sort of thing happened to the general, which 
I will tell for what it is worth. A young 
soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended 
that he had seen a vision while he was bath- 
ing in the river. Feigning that he did not 
want to, he was brought before the general, 
whom he gave to understand that the devil 
had told him that if he would kill the gen- 
eral, he could marry his wife, Dona Beatris, 
and would receive great wealth and other 
very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice 
preached several sermons on this, laying it 
all to the fact that the devil was jealous of 
the good which must result from this jour- 
ney and so wished to break it up in this 
way. It did not end here, but the friars 
who were in the expedition wrote to their 
convents about it, and this was the reason 
the pulpits of Mexico proclaimed strange 
rumors about this affair. 

The general ordered Truxillo to stay in 
that town and not to go on the expedition, 
which was what he was after when he made 

am Google 


up that falsehood, judging from what after- 
ward appeared to be the truth. The general 
started off with the force already described 
to continue his journey, and the army fol- 
lowed him, as will be related. 


Of how the army started from Culiacan and the 
arrival of the general at Cibola and of the army at 
SeGora and of other thing! that happened. 

The general, as has been said, started to 
continue his journey from the valley of Cu- 
liacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking 
with him the friars, since none of them 
wished to stay behind with the army. After 
they had gone three days, a regular friar who 
could say mass, named Friar Antonio Vic- 
toria, broke his leg, and they brought him 
back from the camp to have it doctored. He 
stayed with the army after this, which was 
no slight consolation for all. The general 
and his force crossed the country without 
trouble, as they found everything peaceful, 
because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and 
some of the others who had been with Mel- 
chior Diaz when he went with Juan de Sal- 
dibar to investigate. 

After the general had crossed the inhab- 
ited region and came to Chichilticalli, where 
the wilderness begins, and saw nothing favor- 
able, he could not help feeling somewhat 
downhearted, for, although the reports were 

am Google 


very fine about what was ahead, there was 
nobody who had seen it except the Indiana 
who went with the negro, and these had 
already been caught in some lies. Besides 
all this, he was much affected by seeing that 
the fame of Chichilticalliwas summed up in 
one tumble-down house without any roof, 
although it appeared to have been a strong 
place at some former time when it was in- 
habited, and it was very plain that it had 
been built by a civilized and warlike race of 
strangers who had come from a distance. 
This building was made of red earth. From 
here they went on through the wilderness, 
and in fifteen days came to a river about 
8 leagues from Cibola, which they called 
Bed River, 1 because its waters were muddy 
and reddish. In this river they found mul- 
lets like those of Spain. The first Indians 
from that country were seen here — two of 
them, who ran away to give the news. Dur- 
ing the night following the next day, about 
2 leagues from the village, some Indians 
in a safe place yelled so that, although the 
men were ready for anything, some were so 
excited that they put their saddles on hind- 
side before ; but these were the new fellows. 
When the veterans had mounted and ridden 
round the camp, the Indians tied. None of 
them could be caught because they knew the 

1 Bandelier, in bis Glided Man, Identifies this with 
Zufii river. The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the 
Little Colorado or Colorado Chiquito. 

i zed t, Google 


The next day they entered the settled 
country in good order, and when they saw 
the first village, which was Cibola, snch • 
were the curses that some hurled at Friar 
Marcos that I pray God may protect him 
from them. 

It ia a little, crowded village, looking as 
if it had been crumpled all up together. 
There are ranch houses in New .Spain which 
make a better appearance at a distance.' It 
is a village of about 200 warriors, is three 
and four stories high, with the houses small 
and having only a few rooms, and without 
a courtyard. One yard serves for each sec- 
tion. The people of the whole district had 
collected here, for there are seven villages 
in the province, and some of the others 
are even larger and stronger than Cibola. 
These folks waited for the army, drawn up 
by divisions in front of the village. When 
they refused to have peace on the terms 
the interpreters extended to them, but 

'Mota Padilla, p. 118: "They reached Tzibola. 
which was a village divided Into two parts, which 
were encircled in such a way as to make the village 
round, and the houses adjoining three and four 
■tories high, with doors opening on a great court or 
plaza, leaving one or two doors In the wall, so as to 

Sin and out. In the middle of the plaza there is a 
Dchway or trapdoor, by which they go down to a 
subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large 
pine beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the 
walls plastered. The Indian men stayed there days 
and nights playing (or gaming) and the women 
brought them food ; and this was the way the In- 
diana of the neighboring villages lived." 

am Google 


appeared defiant, the Santiago ' was given, 
and they were at once put to night. The 
Spaniards then attacked the village, which 
was taken with not a little difficulty, since 
they held the narrow and crooked entrance. 
During the attack they knocked the general 
down with a large stone, and would have 
killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Car- 
denas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw 
themselves above him and drew him away, 
receiving the blows of the stones, which 
were not few. But the first fury of the 
Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less 
than an hour they entered the village and 
captured it. They discovered food there, 
which was the thing they were most in need 
of.' After this the whole province was at 

The army which had stayed with Don 
Tristan de Arellano started to follow their 
general, all loaded with provisions, with 
lances on their shoulders, and all on foot, so 
as to have the horses loaded. With no 
slight labor from day to day, they reached a 
province which Cabeza de Vaca had named 
Hearts (Corazones), because the people here 
offered him many hearts of animals. He 
founded a town here and named it San 

■The war cry or "loud Invocation addressed to 
Saint James before engaging In battle with toe In- 
fidels." — Captain John Stevens' Dictionary. 

* Compare the translation of the Traslado de la* 
Nuevas herein. There are some striking 1 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Hieronimo de log Corazones (Saint Jerome 
of the Hearts). After it had been started, 
it was seen that it could not be kept up here, 
and so it was afterward transferred to a val- 
ley which had been called Sefiora. 1 The 
Spaniards call it Senora, and so it will be 
known by this name. 

From here a force went down the river to 
the seacoast to find the harbor and to find 
out about the ships. Don Eodrigo Maldo- 
nado, who was captain of those who went in 
search of the ships, did not find them, but 
he brought back with him an Indian so large 
and tall that the best man in the army 
reached only to his chest. It was said that 
other Indians were even taller on that coast. 
After the rains ceased the army went on to 
where the town of Senora was afterward lo- 
cated, because there were provisions in that 
region, so that they were able to wait there 
for orders from the generaL 

About the middle of the month of Octo- 
ber 1 Captains Melchior Diaz and Juan Gal- 
lego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his 
way to New Spain and Melchior Diaz to 
stay in the new town of Hearts, in command 
of the men who remained there. He was to 
go along the coast in search of the ships. 

1 The persistent use of the form Sefiora. Madame, 
for the place Booora, may be due to the copy lata. 
* This should be September. 

am Google 



Of bow the army started from the town of Seflom, 
leaving It Inhabited, and how ft leached Cibola, and 
of what happened to Captain Helchior Diaz on ilia 
expedition In search of the ships and how he die- 
covered the Tison (Firebrand) river. 

After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego 
had arrived in the town of Senora, it was 
announced that the army was to depart for 
Cibola; that Melchior Diaz was to remain 
in charge of that town with 80 men ; that 
Juan Gallego was going to JNew Spain with 
messages for the viceroy, and that Friar 
Marcos was going back with him, because 
he did not think it was safe for him to 
stay in Cibola, seeing that his report had 
turned out to be entirely false, because the 
kingdoms that he had told about had not 
been found, nor the populous cities, nor the 
wealth of gold, nor the precious stones 
which he had reported, nor the fine clothes, 
nor other things that had been proclaimed 
from the pulpits. When this had been an- 
nounced, those who were to remain were 
selected and the rest loaded their provisions 
and set off in good order about the middle of 
September on the way to Cibola following 
their general 

Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this 
new town with the weakest men, and from 
this time on there was nothing but mutinies 

dt, Google 


and strife, because after the army had gone 
Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the most 
efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego 
de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people 
under his command. He took guides and 
went toward the north and west in search 
of the seacoast. After going about 150 
leagues, they came to a province of ex- 
ceedingly tall and strong men — like giants. 
They are naked and live in large straw 
cabins built underground like smoke houses, 
with only the straw roof above ground. 
They enter these at one end and come out 
at the other. More than a hundred per- 
sona, old and young, sleep in one cabin. 
When they carry anything, they can take a 
load of more than three or four hundred- 
weight on their heads. Once when our men 
wished to fetch a log for the fire, and six 
men were unable to carry it, one of these 
Indians is reported to have come and raised 
it in bis arms, put it on his head alone, and 
carried it very easily. 1 They eat bread 
cooked in the aahes, as big as tie large two- 
pound loaves of Castile. On account of the 
great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in 

1 Fletcher, In The World Encompassed by Sir 
Francis Drake, p. 181 (ed. 18W) tells a similar story 
of some Indians whom Drake visited on the coast of 
California : " Yet are the men commonly so strong of 
body, that that which 3 or 8 of our men could hard- 
ly lieare, one of them would take vpon his backe, 
and without grudging, carrie it easily away, vp hill 
and downe hill an English mile together." Mota 
Padllla, cap. zxsii., p. 158, describes an attempt to 
catch one of these Indians. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


the hand when they go from one place to 
another, with which they warm the other 
hand and the body as well, and in this way 
they keep shifting it every now and then. 1 
On this account the large river which ia 
in that country was called Rio del Tison 
(Firebrand Biver). It is a very great river 
and is more than 2 leagues wide at its 
mouth; here it is half a league across. 
Here the captain heard that there had been 
Bhips at a point three days down toward the 
sea. When he reached the place where the 
ships had been, which was more than 15 
leagues up the river from the mouth of the 
harbor, they found written on a tree : " Alar- 
con reached this place; there are letters at 
the foot of this tree.'' He dug up the letters 
and learned from them how long Alarcon 
had waited for news of the army and that 
he had gone back with the ships to New 
Spain, because he was unable to proceed 
farther, since this sea was a bay, which was 
formed by the Isle of the Marquis,* which is 
called California, and it was explained that 
California was not an island, but a point of 
the mainland forming the other eide of that 

After he had seen this, the captain turned 
back to go up the river, without going down 
to the sea to find a ford by which to cross 

'Father Bcdelmafr, in his Relation, mentions this 
custom of the Indians. (See Bandeliei, Final Re- 
port, vol. L, p. 108.) 

• Cortes. 

am Google 


to the other side, bo as to follow the other 
bank. After they had gone five or six days, 
it seemed to them as if they could cross on 
rafts. For this purpose they called together 
a large number of the natives, who were 
waiting for a favorable opportunity to make 
an attack on our men, and when they saw 
that the strangers wanted to cross, they 
helped make the rafts with all zeal and dili- 
gence, so as to catch them in this way on 
the water and drown them or else so divide 
them that they could not help one another. 
While the rafts were being made, a soldier 
who had been out around the camp saw a 
large number of armed men go across to a 
mountain, where they were waiting till the 
soldiers should cross the river. He reported 
this, and an Indian was quietly shut up, in 
order to find out the truth, and when they 
tortured him he told all the arrangements 
that had been made. These were, that 
when our men were crossing and part of 
them had got over and part were on the 
river and part were waiting to cross, those 
who were on the rafts should drown those 
they were taking across and the rest of their 
force should make an attack on both sides of 
the river. If they had had as much discre- 
tion and courage as they had strength and 
power, the attempt would have succeeded. 

When he knew their plan, the captain had 
the Indian who had confessed the affair killed 
secretly, and that night he was thrown into 
the river with a weight, so that the Indiana 

am Google 


■would not suspect that they vera found out. 
The next day they noticed that our men sus- 
pected them, and so they made an attack, 
shooting showers of arrows, but when the 
horses began to catch up with them and the 
lances wounded them without mercy and 
the musketeers likewise made good shots, 
they had to leave the plain and take to the 
mountain, until not a man of them was to 
be seen. The force then came back and 
crossed all right, the Indian allies and the 
Spaniards going across on the rafts and the 
horses swimming alongside the rafts, where 
we will leave them to continue their jour- 

To relate how the army that was on its 
way to Cibola got on: Everything went 
along in good shape, since the general had 
left everything peaceful, because he wished 
the people in that region to be contented and 
without fear and willing to do what they 
were ordered. In a province called Vacapan 
there was a large quantity of prickly pears, 
of which the natives make a great deal of 
preserves.' They gave this preserve away 
freely, and as the men of the army ate much, 
of it, they all fell sick with a headache and 
fever, so that the natives might have done 
much harm to the force if they had wished. 
This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. 
After this they continued their march until 

the fruit of the tuns, and the yucca. Bee Cuahing In 

The Millstone, Indianapolis, July, 1884, pp. 1Q8-I0fc 



they reached Chichilticalli. The men in 
the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one 
day after leaving this place. I myself saw 
and followed them. They had extremely 
large bodies and long wool; their horns 
were very thick and large, and when they 
ran they throw back their heads and pat 
their horns on the ridge of their back. 
They are need to the rough country, so that 
we could not catch them and had to leave 

Three days after we entered the wilderness 
we found a horn on the bank of a river that 
flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep 
gully, which the general had noticed and 
left there for his army to see, for it was six 
feet long and as thick at the base as a man's 
thigh. It seemed to be more like the horn 
of a goat than of any other animal. It was 
something worth seeing. The army pro- 
ceeded and was about a day's march from. 
Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in 
the afternoon, followed by a great fall of 
snow, which was a bad combination for the 
carriers. The army went on till it reached 
some caves in a rocky ridge, late in the even- 
ing. The Indian allies, who were from New 
Spain, and for the most part from warm 
countries, were in great danger. They felt 
the coldness of that day so much that it was 
hard work the next day taking care of them, 
for they suffered much pain and had to be 
carried on the horses, the soldiers walking. 
After this labor the army reached Cibola, 

sit, Google 


■where their general was waiting for them, 
with their quarters all ready, and here they 
were reunited, except some captains and 
men who had gone off to discover other prov- 


How Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tua&ran or 
Tutahaco ' and Don Garcta Lopez de Cardenas saw 
the Firebrand river and the other things that bad 

While the things already described were 
taking place, Cibola being at peace, the Gen- 
eral Francisco Vazquez found out from the 
people of the province about the provinces 
that lay around it, and got them to tell their 
friends and neighbors that Christians had 
come into the country, whose only desire 
was to be their friends, and to find out about 
good lands to live in, and for them to come 
to see the strangers and talk with them. 
They did this, since they know how to com- 
municate with one another in these regions, 
.and they informed him about a province 
with seven villages of the same sort as 
theirs, although somewhat different. They 
had nothing to do with these people. This 
province is called Tusayan. It is twenty- 
five leagues from Cibola. The villages are 
.high and the people are warlike. 

The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar 

am Google 


to these villages with seventeen horsemen 
and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de 
Padilla, & Franciscan friar, who had been a 
fighting man in his youth, went with them. 
When they reached the region, they entered 
the country so quietly that nobody observed 
them, because there were no settlements or 
farms between one village and another and 
the people do not leave the villages except 
to go to their farms, especially at this time, 
when they had heard that Cibola had been 
captured by very fierce people, who travelled 
on animals which ate people. This infor- 
mation was generally believed by those who 
had never seen horses, although it was so 
strange as to cause much wonder. Our men 
arrived after nightfall and were able to con- 
ceal themselves under the edge of the village, 
where they heard the natives talking in 
their houses. But in the morning they were 
discovered and drew up in regular order, 
while the natives came out to meet them, 
with bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, 
drawn up in lines without any confusion. 
The interpreter was given a chance to speak 
to them and give them due warning, for they 
were very intelligent people, but nevertheless 
they drew lines and insisted that out men 
should not go across these lines toward their 
village. 1 

1 Compare the lines which the Hopi or Moqul In- 
diana still mark with sacred meal during their festi- 
vals, as described by Dr. Fewkes in Iris "Few Sum- 
mer Ceremonials," In vol. 11. of the Journal of 
American Ethnology and Archaeology. 

am Google 


While they were talking, some men acted 
as if they would cross the lines, and one of 
the natives lost control of himself and struck 
a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle 
with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the 
time that was being wasted in talking with 
them, said to the captain: "To tell the 
truth, I do not know why we came here." 
When the men heard this, they gave the 
Santiago so suddenly that they ran down 
many Indians and the others fled to the 
town in confusion. Some indeed did not 
have a chance to do this, so quickly did the 
people in the village come out with presents, 
asking for peace. The captain ordered his 
force to collect, and, aB the natives did not 
do any more harm, he and those who were 
with him found a place to establish their 
headquarters near the village. They had 
dismounted here when the natives came 
peacefully, saying that they had come to 
give in the submission of the whole province 
and that they wanted him to be friends with 
then! and to accept the presents which they 
gave him. This was some cotton cloth, 
although not much, because they do not 
make it in that district. They also gave 
him some dressed skins and corn meal, 
and pine nuts and corn and birds of 
the country. Afterward they presented 
some turquoises, but not many. The 
people of the whole district came to- 
gether that day and submitted themselves, 
and they allowed him to enter their vil- 



lages freely to visit, buy, Bell, and baiter 
with them. 

It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly 
of the oldest men. They have their gover- 
nors and generals. This was where they 
obtained the information about a large river, 
and that several days down the river there 
were some people with very large bodies. 

As Don Pedro de Tovax was not commis- 
sioned to go farther, he returned from there 
and gave this information to the general, 
who dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Carde- 
nas with about twelve companions to go to 
see this river. He was well received when 
he reached Tusayan and was entertained by 
the natives, who gave him guides for his 
journey. They started from here loaded 
with provisions, for they had to go through 
a desert country before reaching the inhab- 
ited region, which the Indians said was more 
than twenty days' journey. After they had 
gone twenty days they came to the banks 
of the river. It seemed to be more than 3 
or 4 leagues in an air line across to the 
other bank of the stream which flowed be- 
tween them. 

This country was elevated and full or low 
twisted pines, very cold, and lying open tow- 
ard the north, so that, this being the wans 
season, no one could live there on account 
of the cold. They spent three days on this 
bank looking for a passage down to the river, 
which looked from above as if the water was 
6 feet across, although the Indians said it 
i ss 

an, Google 


was half a league wide. It was impossible 
to descend, for after these three days Captain 
Velgosa and one Juan Galeras and another 
'companion, who were the three lightest and 
most agile men, made an attempt to go down 
*t the least difficult place, and went down 
«ntil those who were above were unable to 
keep eight of them. They returned about 
4 o'clock in the afternoon, not having 
•ueeeeded in reaching the bottom on account 
•f the great difficulties which they found, 
because what seemed to be easy from above 
•was not so, but instead very hard and diffi- 
cult. They said that they had been down 
about a third of the way and that the river 
aeemed vary large from the place which they 
reached, and that from what they saw they 
thought the Indians had given the width 
correctly. Those who stayed above had 
estimated that some huge rocks on the sides 
-of the cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a 
man, but those who went down swore that 
when they reached these rocks they were 
fcigger than the great tower of Seville. They 
did not go farther up the river, because they 
could not get water. 

Before this they had had to go a league or 
two inland every day late in the evening in 
order to find water, and the guides said that 
if they should go four days farther it would 
•ot be possible to go on, because there was 
no water within three or four days, for when 
they travel across this region themselves 
they take with them women loaded with 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


water in gourds, and bury the gourds of 
water along the way, to use when they re- 
turn, and besides this, they travel in one 
day over what it takes us two days to ac- 

This was the Tison (Firebrand) river, 
much nearer its source than where Melchior 
Diaz and his company crossed it. These 
were the same kind of Indians, judging front 
what was afterward learned. They eame> 
batik from this point and the expedition did 
not have any other result. On the way 
they saw some water falling over a rock and 
learned from the guides that some bunches 
of crystals which were hanging there were 
salt. They went and gathered a quantity of 
this and brought it back to Cibola, dividing 
it among those who were there. They gave> 
the general a written account of what they 
had seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor 
had gone with Don Garcia Lopez as chroni- 
cler for the army. The villages of that prov- 
ince remained peaceful, since they were never 
visited again, nor was any attempt made to 
find other peoples in that direction. 


Of how people came from Cleave to Cibola to se» 
the Christians, and how Hernando de Alv&radoweat 
to see the cows. 

While they were making these discov- 
eries, some Indians came to Cibola from 
a village which was 70 leagues east of 

am Google 


this province, called Cieuye. Among them 
was a captain who was called Bigotes 
(Whiskers) by our men, because he wore a 
long mustache. He was a tall, well-built 
young fellow, with a fine figure. He told 
the general (hat they had come in response 
to the notice which had been given, to offer 
themselves as friends, and that if we wanted 
to go through their country they would con- 
sider ua as their friends. They brought a 
present of tanned hides and shields and head- 
pieces, which were very gladly received, and 
the general gave them some glass dishes and 
a number of pearls and little bells which 
they prized highly, because these were things 
they had never seen. They described some 
cows which, from a picture that one of them 
had painted on his skin, seemed to be cows, 
although from the hides this did not seem 
possible, because the hair was woolly and 
snarled so that we could not tell what sort 
of skins they had. The general ordered 
Hernando de Alvarado to take 20 compan- 
ions and go with them, and gave him a 
commission for eighty days, after which he 
should return to give an account of what he 
had found.* 

Captain Alvarado started on this journey 
and in five days reached a village which was 
on a rock called Acuco,* having a popu- 

1 The report of Alvarado is probably the official 
account of what he accomplished. 

' In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma 
Bee Bandolier's Introduction, p. 14, and his Final 

am Google 


lation of about 200 men. These people 
were robbers, feared by the whole country 
round about. The village was very strong, 
because it was up on a rock out of roach, 
having steep sides in every direction, and so 
high that it was a very good musket that 
could throw a ball as high. There was only 
one entrance by a stairway built by hand, 
which began at the top of a slope which is 
around the foot of the rock. There was a 
broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a 
stretch of about 100 narrower steps, and at 
the top they had to go up about three times 
as high as a man by means of holes in the 
rook, in which they put the points of their 
feet, holding on at the same time by their 
hands. There was a wall of large and small 
stones at the top, which they could roll 
down without showing themselves, so that 
no army could possibly be strong enough to 
capture the village. On the top they bad 
room to sow and store a large amount of 
corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water. 
These people came down to the plain ready 
to fight, and would not listen to any argu- 
ments. They drew lines on the ground and 
determined to prevent our men from crossing 
these, but when they saw that they would 
have to fight they offered to make peace be- 

Keport, vol. I., p. 133. The Spaniards called it by 
a name resembling that which they heard applied to 
it in Zufii-Cibola. The true Zufii name of Acoma, 
on the authority of Mr. F. W. Hodge, la Hikukia; 

that of the Acoma people, Tl&kukwe. 

am Google 


fore any harm had been done. They went 
through their forma of making peace, which 
is to touch the horses and take their sweat 
and rub themselves with it, and to make 
crosses with the fingers of the hands. But 
to make the most secure peace they put their 
hands across each other, and they keep this 
peace inviolably. They made a present of a 
large number of [turkey] cocka with very 
big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, 
pine [pifion] nuts, flour [corn meal], and 

From here they went to a province called 
Trigiiex,' three days distant. The people all 
came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers, 
was with them. These men are feared 
throughout all those provinces. Alvarado 
sent messengers back from here to advise the 
general to come and winter in this country. 
The general was not a little relieved to hear 
that the country was growing better. Five 
days from here he came to Cicuye,* a very 
strong village four stories high. The people 
came out from the village with signs of joy 
to welcome Hernando do Alvarado and their 
captain, and brought them into the town 
with drams and pipes something like flutes, 

1 An error for Tiguei, at or near the present Ber- 
nalillo. Simpson located this sear the mouth of the 
river Puerco, southeast of Acoma, but I follow 
Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a 
northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Intro- 
duction, p. 89, and Final Report, vol. i., p. 129. 

* Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. 1., p. 137, 
see Bandeller's Report on the Pecos Ruins. 

am Google 


of which they have a great many. They 
made many presents of cloth and turquoises, 
of which there are quantities in that region. 
The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here for 
several days and talked with an Indian slave, 
a native of the country toward Florida, which 
is the region Don Fernando de Soto discov- 
ered. This fellow said that there were large 
settlements in the farther part of that coun- 
try. Hernando de Alvarado took him to 
guide them to the cows ; but he told them 
so many and such great things about the 
wealth of gold and silver in his country that 
they did not care about looking for cows, 
but returned after they had seen some few, 
to report the rich news to the general. 
They called the Indian "Turk," because he 
looked like one. 

Meanwhile the general had sent Don Gar- 
cia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men 
to get lodgings ready for the army, which 
had arrived from Sefiora about this time, 
before taking them there for the winter ; and 
when Hernando de Alvarado reached Tiguex, 
on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don 
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there 
was no need for him to go farther. As it 
was necessary that the natives should give 
the Spaniards lodging places, the people in 
one village had to abandon it and go to 
others belonging to their friends, and they 
took with them nothing but themselves and 
the clothes they had on. Information was 
obtained here about many towns up toward 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


the north, and I believe that it would have 
been much better to follow this direction, 
than that of the Turk, who was the cause of 
all the misfortunes which followed. 


Of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a, 
few men and left the army with Don Tristan, who 
took it to Tiguex. 

Everything already related had happened 
when Don Tristan de Arellano reached Ci- 
bola from Sefiora. Soon after he arrived, 
the general, who had received notice of a 
province containing eight villages, took 30 
of the men who were most fully rested and 
went to see it, going from there directly to- 
Tiguex with the skilled guides who con- 
ducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan 
de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex by the di- 
rect road, after the men had rested twenty 
days. On this journey, between one day 
when they left the camping place and mid- 
day of the third day, when they saw some 
snow-covered mountains, toward which they 
went in search of water, neither the Span- 
iards nor the horses nor the servants drank 
anything. They were able to stand it be- 
cause of the severe cold, although with great 
difficulty. Ineight days theyreached Tuta- 
haco,' where they learned that there were* 

1 Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near 
the present Islets, Jaramillo applies this name to- 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


other towns down the river. These people 
were peaceful. The villages are terraced, 
like those at Tiguex, and of the same style. 
The general went up the river from here, 
visiting the whole province, until he reached 
Tiguex, where he found Hernando de Alva- 
rado and the Turk. He felt no alight joy at 
such good news, because the Turk said that 
in his country there was a river in the level 
country which was 2 leagues wide, in which 
there were fishes as big as horses, and large 
numbers of very big canoes, with more 
than 20 rowers on a side, and that they 
carried sails, and that their lords sat on the 
poop under awnings, and on the prow they 
had a great golden eagle. He said also that 
the lord of that country took his afternoon 
nap under a great tree on which were hung 
a great number of little gold bells, which put 
him to sleep as they swung in the air. He 
said also that everyone had their ordinary 
dishes made of wrought plate, and the jugs 
and bowls were of gold. He called gold 
acochis. For the present he was believed, 
on account of the ease with which he told 
it and because they showed him metal orna- 
ments and he recognized them and said they 
were not gold, and he knew gold and silver 
very well and did not care anything about 
other metals. 

Acoma, and perhaps he ia more correct, if we ought 
to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguasftbe inhabitants 
of Isleta. Sandla, Taos, and Ficuria pueblos) call 
Acoma Tuthea-uay, according to Bandelier, Gilded 
Han, p. 211. 

am Google 


The general sent Hernando de Alvarudo 
back to Ciouye to demand some gold brace- 
lets which this Turk said they had taken 
from him at the time they captured him , 
Alvarado went, and was received as a friend 
at the village, and when he demanded the 
bracelets they said they knew nothing at all 
about them, saying the Turk was deceiving 
him and was lying. Captain Alvarado, see- 
ing that there were no other means, got the 
Captajn 'Whiskers and the governor to come 
to his tent, and when they had come he put 
them in chains. The villagers prepared to 
fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing 
Hernando de Alvarado, and saying that he 
was a man who had no respect for peace and 
friendship. Hernando de Alvarado started 
back to Tiguex, where the general kept them 
prisoners more than six months. This be- 
gan the want of confidence in the word of 
the Spaniards whenever there was talk of 
peace from this time on, as will be seen by 
what happened afterward. 


Of bow the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and 
what happened to them on the war, on account of 
the snow. 

We nave already said that when the gen- 
eral started from Cibola, he left orders for 
Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days 
later. He did so as soon as he saw that the 

sit, Google 


men were well tested and provided with food 
and eager to start off to find their general. 
He set off with his force toward Tiguex, and 
the first day they made their camp in the 
best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) 
province. 1 This is the only village that has 
houses with seven stories. In this village 
certain houses are used as fortresses; they 
are higher than the others and set up above 
them like towers, and there are embrasures 
and loopholes in them for defending the roofs 
of the different stories, because, like the other 
villages, they do not have streets, and the 
fiat roofs are all of a height and are used in 
common. The roofs have to be reached first, 
and these upper houses are the means of de- 
fending them. It began to snow on us there, 
and the force took refuge under the wings of 
the village, which extend out like balconies, 
with wooden pillars beneath, because they 
generally use ladders to go up to those bal- 
conies, since they do not have any doors 

The army continued its march from here 
after it stopped snowing, and as the season 
had already advanced into December, during 
the ten days that the army was delayed, it 
did not fail to snow during the evenings and 
nearly every night, so that they had to clear 
away a large amount of enow when they 
came to where they wanted to make a camp. 

1 This was Muteaki, at the northwestern base of 
Thunder mountain, about 18 miles from Hawikub, 
where the advance force had encamped. 

am Google 


The road could not be seen, but the guides 
managed to find it, as they knew the coun- 
try. There are junipers and pines all over 
the country, which they used in picking 
large brushwood fires, the smoke and heat of 
which melted the snow from 2 to 4 yards 
all around the fire. It was a dry snow, 
so that although it fell on the baggage and 
covered it for half a man's height it did 
not hurt it. It fell all night long, covering' 
the baggage and the soldiers and their beds, 
piling up in tie air, so that if any one had 
suddenly come upon the army nothing 
would have been seen but mountains of 
snow. The horses stood half buried in it. 
It kept those who were underneath warm 
instead of cold. The army passed by the 
great rock of Acuco, and the natives, who 
were peaceful, entertained our men well, giv- 
ing them provisions and birds, although 
there are not many people here, as I have 
said. Many of the gentlemen went up to 
the top to see it, and they had great difficulty 
in going up the steps in the rock, because 
they were not used to them, for the natives 
go up and down so easily that they carry 
loads and the women carry water, and they 
do not seem even to touch their hands, al- 
though our men had to pass their weapons 
up from one to another. 

From here they went on to Tiguex, where- 
they were well received and taken care of, 
and the great good news of the Turk gave 
no little joy and helped lighten their hard 

sit, Google 


labors, although when the army arrived we 
found the whole country or province in re- 
volt, for reasons which were not slight in 
themselves, as will be shown, and our men 
had also burnt a village the day before the 
army arrived, and returned to the camp. 


_ „ ex revolted, and how 
vithout being to blame for It. 

It has been related how the general 
reached Tiguex, where he found Don Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alva- 
rado, and how he sent the latter back to 
Cicuye, where he took the Captain Whiskers 
and the governor of the village, who was an 
old man, prisoners. The people of Tiguex 
did not feel well about this seizure. 

In addition to this, the general wished to 
obtain some clothing to divide among his 
soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned 
one of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with 
whom he had already had much intercourse 
and with whom he was on good terms, who 
was called Juan Aleman by our men, after a 
Juan gentleman who lived in Mexico, whom 
he was said to resemble. The general told 
him that he must furnish about three hun- 
dred or more pieees of cloth, which he needed 
to give his people. He said that he was not 
able to do this, but that it pertained to the 
governors; and that besides this, they would 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


have to consult together and divide it among 
the villages, and that it was necessary to 
make the demand of each town separately. 
The general did this, and ordered certain of 
the gentlemen who were with him to go and 
make the demand; and as there were twelve 
villages, some of them went on one side of 
the river and some on the other. As they 
were in very great need, they did not give 
the natives a chance to consult about it, hut 
when they came to a village they demanded 
what they had to give, so that they could 
proceed at once. Thus these people could 
do nothing except take off their own cloaks 
and give them to make up the number de- 
manded of them. And some of the soldiers 
who were in these parties, when the collec- 
tors gave them some blankets or cloaks which 
were not such as they wanted, if they saw 
any Indian with a better one on, they ex- 
changed with him without more ado, not 
stopping to find out the rank of the man. 
they were stripping, which caused not a lit- 
tle hard feeling. 

i Besides what I have just said, one whom 
I will not name, out of regard for him, left 
the village where the camp was and wenb to 
another village about a league distant, and 
seeing a pretty woman there he called her 
husband down to hold his horse by the bri- 
dle while he went up; and as the village 
was entered by the upper story, the Indian 
supposed he was going to some other part of 
it. While he was there the Indian heard 

am Google 


some slight noise, and then the Spaniard 
came down, took his horse, and went away. 
The Indian went up and learned that he had 
violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and bo 
he came with the important men of the town 
to complain that a man had violated his 
wife, and he told how it happened. When 
the general made all the soldiers and the 
persons who were with him come together, 
the Indian did not recognize the man, either 
because he had changed his clothes or for 
whatever other reason there may have been, 
bat he said that he could tell the horse, be- 
cause he had held his bridle, and so be was 
taken to the stablee, and found the horse, 
and said that the master of the horse must 
be the man. He denied doing it, seeing 
that he had not been recognized, and it may 
be that the Indian was mistaken in the 
horse; anyway, he went off without getting 
any satisfaction.' The next day one of the 
Indians, who was guarding the horses of the 
army, came running in, saying that a com- 
panion of his had been killed, and that the 
Indiana of the country were driving off the 
horses toward their villages. The Spaniards 
tried to collect the horses again, but many 
were lost, besides seven of the general's 

The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Car- 
denas went to see the villages and talk with 

1 The instruct! on a which Hendoza gave to Alareon 
show how carefully the viceroy tried to guard 
against any such trouble with the natives. 

am Google 


the natives. He found the villages closed 
by palisades and a great noise inside, the 
horses being chased as in a bull fight and shot 
with arrows. They were all ready for fight- 
ing. Nothing could be done, because they 
would not come down on to the plain and 
the villages are so strong that the Spaniards 
could not dislodge them. The general then 
ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to 
go and surround one village with all the rest 
of the force. This village was the one where 
the greatest injury had been done and where 
the affair with the Indian woman occurred. 
Several captains who had gone on in ad- 
vance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and 
Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and Melgosa, 
took the Indians so much by surprise that 
they gained the upper story, with great dan- 
ger, for they wounded many of our men from 
within the houses. Our men were on top 
of the houses in great danger for a day and a 
night and part of the next day, and they 
made some good shots with their crossbows 
and muskets. The horsemen on the plain 
with many of the Indian allies from New 
Spain smoked them out from the cellars * into 
which they had broken, so that they begged 
for peace. 

Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the 
alderman from Seville, were left on the roof 
and answered the Indians with the same 

'Evidently the underground, or partially under- 
ground, ceremonial chambers or kivaa. 

an, Google 


signs they were making for peace, which 
waa to make a cross. They then put down 
their arms and received pardon. They were 
taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, accord- 
ing to what he said, did not know about the 
peace and thought that they had given them- 
selves up of their own accord because they 
had been conquered. As he had been or- 
dered by the general not to take them 
alive, but to make an example of them so 
that the other natives would fear the Span- 
iards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared 
at once to burn them alive. Nobody told 
him about the peace that had been granted 
them, for the soldiers knew as little as he, 
and those who should have told him about 
it remained silent, not thinking that it was 
any of their business. Then when the ene- 
mies saw that the Spaniards were binding 
them and beginning to roast them, about a 
hundred men who were in the tent began to 
struggle and defend themselves with what 
there was there and with the stakes they 
could seize. Our men who were on foot 
attacked the tent on all sides, so that there 
was great confusion around it, and then the 
horsemen chased those who escaped. As 
the country was level, not a man of them 
remained alive, unless it was some who re- 
mained hidden in the village and escaped 
that night to spread throughout the country 
the news that the strangers did not respect 
the peace they had made, which afterward 
proved a great misfortune. After this was 

am Google 


over, it began to snow, and they abandoned 
the village and returned to the camp juat aa 
the army came from Cibola. 


. besieged Tlguei i 
what happened during the siege. 

As I have already related, it began to 
snow in that country juat after they captured 
the village, and it anowed so much that foi 
the next two months it was impossible to do 
anything except to go along the roads to ad- 
vise them to make peace and tell them that 
they would be pardoned and might consider 
themselves safe, to which they replied that 
they did not trust those who did not know 
how to keep good faith after they had once 
given it, and that the Spaniards should re- 
member that they were keeping Whiskers 
prisoner and that they did not keep their 
word when they burned those who surren- 
dered in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de 
Cardenas was one of those who went to give 
this notice. He started out with about 
30 companions and went to the village of 
Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Al- 
though they were hostile, they talked with 
him and said that if he wished to talk with 
them he must dismount and they would 
come out and talk with him about a peace, 
and that if he would send away the horse- 

Halms* i,, Google 


men and make his men keep away, Juan 
Aleman and another captain would come 
out of the village and meet him. Every- 
thing was done as they required, and then 
when they approached they said that they 
had no arms and that he must take his off. 
Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give 
them confidence, on account of his great de- 
sire to get them to make peace. When he 
met them, Juan Aleman approached and 
embraced him vigorously, while the other 
two who had come with him drew two mal- 
lets ' which they had hidden behind their 
backs and gave him two such blows over his 
helmet that they almost knocked him sense- 
less. Two of the soldiers on horseback had 
been unwilling to go very far off, even when 
he ordered them, and so they were near by 
and rode up so quickly that they rescued 
him from their hands, although they were 
unable to catch the enemies because the 
meeting was so near the village that of the 
great shower of arrows which were shot at 
them one arrow hit a horse and went 
through his nose. The horsemen all rode 
up together and hurriedly carried off their 
captain, without being able to harm the 
enemy, while many of our men were dan- 
gerously wounded. 

They then withdrew, leaving a number of 
men to continue the attack. Don Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of 

1 Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers. 

am Google 


the force to another village about half a 
league distant, because almost all the people 
in this region had collected into these two 
villages. As they paid no attention to the 
demands made on them except by shooting 
arrows from the upper stories with loud 
yells, and would not hear of peace, he re- 
turned to his companions whom he had left 
to keep up the attack of Tiguex. A large 
number of those in the village came out and 
our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, 
so that they drew the enemy on to the plain, 
and then turned on them and caught several 
of their leaders. The rest collected on the 
roofs of the village and the captain returned 
to his camp. 

After this affair the general ordered the 
army to go and surround the village. He 
set out with his men in good order, one day, 
with several scaling ladders. When he 
reached the village, he encamped his force 
near by, and then began the siege; but as 
the enemy had had several days to provide 
themselves with stores, they threw down 
such quantities of rocks upon our men that 
many of them were laid out, and they 
wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, 
several of whom afterward died on account 
of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon 
who was with the army. The siege lasted 
fifty days, during which time several assaults 
were made. The lack of water was what 
troubled the T^diana most. They dug a 
very deep well inside the village, but were 

am Google 


not able to get water, and while they were 
making it, it fell in and killed 30 persona. 
Two hundred of the besieged died in the 
fights. One day when there was a hard 
fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a 
captain who had been army-master all the 
time that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was 
away making the discoveries already de- 
scribed, and also Francisco Pobares, a fine 
gentleman. Our men were unable to pre- 
vent them from carrying Francisco de Oban- 
do inside the village, which was regretted 
not a little, because he was a distinguished 
person, besides being honored on his own 
account, affable and much beloved, which 
was noticeable. 

One day, before the capture was com- 
pleted, they asked to speak to us, and said 
that, since they knew we would not harm 
the women and children, they wished to 
surrender their women and sons, because 
they were using up their water. It was im- 
possible to persuade them to make peace, 
as they said that the Spaniards would not 
keep an agreement made with them. So 
they gave up about a hundred persons, wom- 
en and boys, who did not want to leave 
them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front 
of the town without his helmet and received 
the boys and girls in his arms, and when all 
of these had been surrendered, Don Lope 
begged them to make peace, giving them 
the strongest promises for their safety. 
They told him to go away, as they did not 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


wish to trust themselves to people who had 
no regard for friendship or their own word 
which they had pledged. As he seemed 
unwilling to go away, one of them put an 
arrow in his bow ready to shoot, and threat- 
ened to shoot him with it unless he went 
off, and they warned him to put on his hel- 
met, but he was unwilling to do so, saying 
that they would not hurt him as long as he 
stayed there. When the Indian saw that 
he did not want to go away, he shot and 
planted his arrow between the fore feet of 
the horse, and then put another arrow in his 
bow and repeated that if he did not go away 
he would really shoot him. Don Lope put 
on his helmet and slowly rode back to 
where the horsemen were, without receiv- 
ing any harm from them. When they 
saw that he was really in safety, they 
began to shoot arrows in showers, with 
loud yells and cries. The general did not 
want to make an assault that day, in order 
to see if they could be brought in some 
way to make peace, which they would not 

Fifteen days later they decided to leave 
the*village one night, and did so, taking the 
women in their midst. They started about 
the fourth watch, in the very early morning, 
on the side where the cavalry was. The 
alarm was given by those in the camp of 
Don Eodrigo Maldonado. The enemy at- 
tacked them and killed one Spaniard and a 
horse and wounded others, but they were 

am Google 


driven back with great slaughter until they 
came to the river, where the water flowed 
swiftly and very cold. They threw them- 
selves into this, and as the men had coma 
quickly from the whole camp to assist the 
cavalry, there were few who escaped being 
killed or wounded. Some men from the 
camp went across the river next day and 
found many of them who had been over- 
come by the great cold. They brought 
these back, cured them, and made serv- 
ants of them. This ended that siege, 
and the town was captured, although there 
were a few who remained in one part of 
the town and were captured a few days 

Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and 
Juan de Saldivar, bad captured the other 
large village after a siege. Having started 
out very early one morning to make an am- 
buscade in which to catch some warriors 
who used to come out every morning to try 
to frighten our camp, the spies, who had 
been placed where they could see when they 
were coming, saw the people come out and 
proceed toward the country. The soldiers 
left the ambuscade and went to the village 
and saw the people fleeing. They pursued 
and killed large numbers of them. At the 
same time those in the camp were ordered 
to go over the town, and they plundered it, 
making prisoners of all the people who were 
found in it, amounting to about a hundred 
women and children. This siege ended the 

am Google 


last of March, in the year '42. 1 Other 
things had happened in the meantime, which 
would have been noticed, but that it would 
have cut the thread. I have omitted them, 
but will relate them now, so that it will be 
possible to understand what follows. 


Of how messengers reached the army from the 
valley of SeBora and how Captain Melchior Diaz 
died on the expedition to the Firebrand river. 

We have already related how Captain 
Melchior Diaz crossed the Firebrand river 
on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries 
farther in that direction. About the time 
the siege ended, messengers reached the 
army from the city of San Hieronimo with 
letters from Diego de Alarcon, 1 who had re- 
mained there in the place of Melchior Diaz. 
These contained the news that Melchinr 
Diaz had died while he was conducting his 
search, and that the force had returned with- 
out finding any of the things they were after. 
It all happened in this fashion : 

After they had crossed the river they con- 
tinued their search for the coast, which here 
turned back toward the south, or between 
south and east, because that arm of the sea 

'Professor Haynes corrected the error tn a note In 
Wlnsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii., p. 
491, saying that " it is evident that the siege must 
have been concluded early In 1541." 
■ Should be Alcaraz. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


enters the land due north and this river, 
which brings its waters down from the north, 
flowing toward the south, enters the head of 
the gull. Continuing in the direction they 
had been going, they came to some sand 
banks of hot ashes which it was impossible 
to cross without being drowned as in the sea. 
The ground they were standing on trembled 
like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as 
if there were lakes underneath them. It 
seemed wonderful and like something infer- 
nal, for the ashes to bubble up here in sev- 
eral places. After they had gone away from 
this place, on account of the danger they 
seemed to be in and of the lack of water, 
one day a greyhound belonging to one of the 
soldiers chased some sheep which they were 
taking along for food. When the captain 
noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog 
while his horse was running, so that it stuck 
up in the ground, and not being able to stop 
his horse he went over the lance so that it 
nailed him through the thighs and the iron 
came out behind, rupturing his bladder. 
After this the soldiers turned back with 
their captain, having to fight every day with 
the Indians, who had remained hostile. He 
lived about twenty days, during which they 
proceeded with great difficulty on account of 
the necessity of carrying him. They re- 
turned in good order without losing a man, 
until he died, and after that they were re- 
lieved of the greatest difficulty. When they 
reached Sefiora, Alcaraz dispatched the mes- 

gmzed t, Google 


Bangers already referred to, so that the gen- 
eral might know of this and also that some of 
the soldiers were ill disposed and had caused 
several mutinies, and that he had sentenced 
two of them to the gallows, but they had 
afterward escaped from the prison. 

When the general learned this, he sent 
Don Pedro de Tovar to that city to sift ont 
some of the men. He was accompanied by 
messengers whom the general sent to Don 
Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with an 
account of what had occurred and with the 
good news given by the Turk. When Don 
Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that 
the natives of that province had killed a sol- 
dier with a poisoned arrow, which had made 
only a very little wound in one hand. Sev- 
eral soldiers went to the place where this 
happened to see about it, and they were not 
very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar 
sent Diego de Alcaraz with a force to seize 
the chiefs and lords of a village in what they 
call the Valley of Knaves (de Ios Vellacoa), 
which is in the hills. After getting there 
and taking these men prisoners, Diego de 
Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange 
for some thread and cloth and other things 
which the soldiers needed. Finding them- 
selves free, they renewed the war and at- 
tacked them, and as they were strong and 
had poison, they kille d several Spaniards 
and wounded others so that they died on the 
way back. They retired toward the town, 
and if they had not had Indian allies from 

am Google 


the country of the Hearts, it would have 
gone worse with them. They got back to 
the town, leaving 17 soldiers dead from 
the poison. They would die in agony 
from only a small wound, the bodies break- 
ing out with an insupportable pestilential 
stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the 
harm done, and as it seemed to them that 
they could not safely stay in that city, he 
moved 40 leagues toward Cibola into the 
valley of Suya, where we will leave them, in 
order to relate what happened to the general 
and bis army after the siege of Tiguez. 


Of bow the general managed to leave the country 
In peace bo as to go In search of Quivira, where the 
Turk said there was the most wealth. 

During the siege of Tiguez the general 
decided to go to Cicuye and take the gover- 
nor with him, in order to give him his liberty 
and to promise them that he would give 
Whiskers his liberty and leave him in the 
village, as soon as he should start for Qui- 
vira. He was received peacefully when he 
reached Cicuye, and entered the village with 
several soldiers. They received their gover- 
nor with much joy and gratitude. After 
looking over the village and speaking with 
the natives, he returned to his army, leaving 
Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back 
their captain Whjskers. 

am Google 


After the siege was ended, as we have 
already related, he Bent a captain to Chia, 
a fine village with many people, which had 
sent to offer its submission. It was 4 
leagues distant to the west of the river. 
They found it peaceful and gave it four 
bronze cannon, which were in poor condition, 
to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to 
Quirix, a province with seven villages. At 
the first village, which had about a hundred 
inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to 
wait for our men ; but they headed them off 
by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then 
they returned to their houses in the village 
in perfect safety, and then told the other 
villagers about it and reassured them. In 
this way the entire region was reassured, lit- 
tle by little, by the time the ice in the river 
was broken up and it became possible to ford 
the river and so to continue the journey. 
The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were 
not repopulated at all during the time the 
army was there, in spite of every promise of 
security that could possibly be given to them. 

And when the river, which for almost 
four months had been frozen over so that 
they crossed the ice on horseback, had 
thawed out, orders were given for the start 
for Quivira, where the Turk said there was 
some gold and silver, although not so much 
as in Arche and the Guaes. There were 
already some in the army who suspected the 
Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes, 1 
1 Or Cervantes. 

,„■,,„ Google 


who had charge of him during the siege, 
solemnly swore that he had Been the Turk 
talking with the devil in a pitcher of water, 
and also that while he had him under lock 
so that no one could speak to him, the Turk 
had asked him what Christians had been 
killed by the people at Tiguex. He told 
him "nobody," and then the Turk answered: 

" You lie ; five Christians are dead', includ- 
ing a captain." And aa Cervantes knew 
that he told the truth, he confessed it bo as 
to find out who had told him about it, and 
the Turk said he knew it all by himself and 
that he did not need to have anyone tell him 
in order to know it. And it was on account 
of this that he watched him and saw him 
speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I 
have said. 

While all this was going on, preparations 
were being made to start from Tiguex. At 
this time people came from Cibola to see the 
general, and he charged them to take good 
care of the Spaniards who were coming from 
Seflora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave 
them letters to give to Don Pedro, informing 
him what he ought to do and how he should 
go to find the army, and that he would find 
letters under the crosses which the army 
would put up along the way. The army 
left Tiguex on the 5th of May ' and returned 
to Cicuye, which, as I have said, is twenty- 

he started April 28d. 

am Google 


five marches, which means leagues, from 
there, taking 'Whiskers with them. Arrived 
there, he gave them their captain, who al- 
ready went about freely with a guard. The 
village was very glad to see him, and the 
people were peaceful and offered food. The 
governor and Whiskers gave the general a 
young fellow called Xabe, a native of Qui- 
vira, who could give them information about 
the country. This fellow said that there 
was gold and silver, but not so much of it 
as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, 
continued to declare that it was as he had 
said. He went as a guide, and thus the 
army started off from here. 


The army started from Cicuye, leaving 
the village at peace and, as it seemed, con- 
tented, and under obligations to maintain 
the friendship because their governor and 
- captain had been restored to them. Pro- 
ceeding toward the plains, which are all on 
the other side of the mountains, after four 
days' journey they came to a river with a 
large, deep current, which flowed down to- 
ward Cicuye, and they named this the Cicuye 
river.' They had to stop here to make a 

'The Rio Pecos. 

am Google 


bridge So as to cross it. It was finished it 
four days, by much diligence and r&p!.' 
work, and as Boon as it was done the whofe 
army and the animals crossed. After ten 
days more they came to some settlements of 
people who lived like Arabs and who are 
called Querechos in that region. They had 
seen the cows for two days. These folks 
live in tents made of the tanned skins of the 
cows. They travel around near the cows, 
killing them for food. They did nothing 
unusual when they saw our army, except to 
come out of their tents to look at us, after 
which they came to talk with the advance 
guard, and aaked who we were. The gene- 
ral talked with them, but as they had al- 
ready talked with the Turk, who was with 
the advance guard, they agreed with what 
he had said. That they were very intelli- 
gent is evident from the fact that although 
they conversed by means of signs they made 
themselves understood so well that there was 
no need of an interpreter. 1 They said that 
there was a very large river over toward 
where the sun came from, and that one 
could go along this river through an inhab- 
ited region for ninety days without a break 
from settlement to settlement. They said 
that the first of these settlements was called 
Haxa, and that the river was more than a 

■There is an elaborate account of the sign Ian- 
■ ■ — ' " Trick Mallery,Tn the 
a of Ethnology, 187&- 

a ii, Google 


league wide and that there were many ca- 
noes on it. These folks started off from 
here next day with a lot of dogs which, 
dragged their possessions. 

For two days, during which the army 
marched in the same direction as that in 
which they had coma from the settlements 
— that is, between north and east, but more 
toward the north — they aaw other roaming 
Querechos and such great numbers of cows 
that it already seemed something incredible. 
These people gave a great deal of information 
about settlements, all toward the east from 
where we were.! Here Don Garcia broke his 
arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off 
hunting so far that he was unable to return 
to the camp, because the country is very 
level. The Turk said it was one or two 
days to Haya (Haxa). The general sent 
Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions 
lightly equipped and a guide to go at full 
speed toward the sunrise for two days and 
discover Haxa, and then return to meet the 
army, which set out in the same direction 
_jiext day. They came across so many ani- 
mals that those who were on the advance 
guard killed a large number of bulls. As 
these fled they trampled one another in their 
haste until they came to a ravine. So many 
of the animals fell into this that they filled 
it up, and the rest went across on top of 
them. The men who were chasing them on 
horseback fell in among the animals without 
noticing where they were going. Three of 

sit, Google 


the horses that fell in among the cows, all 
saddled and bridled, were loet sight of com- 
pletely. « 

As it seemed to the general that Diego 
Lopez ought to be on his way back, he sent 
six of bis companions to follow up the banks 
of the little river, and as many more down 
the banks, to look for traces of the horses at 
the trails to and from the river. It was im- 
possible to find tracks in this country, be- 
cause the graBs straightened up again as soon 
as it was trodden down. They were found 
by some Indians from the army who had 
gone to look for fruit. These got track of 
them a good league off, and soon came up 
with them. They followed the river down 
to the camp, and told the general that in 
the 20 leagues they had been over they had 
seen nothing but cows and the sky. There 
was another native of Quivira with the army, 
a painted Indian named Ysopete. This In- 
dian had always declared that the Turk was 
lying, and on account of this the army paid 
no attention to him, and even now, although 
he said that the Querechos had consulted 
with him, Ysopete was not believed. 

The general sent Bon Kodrigo Maldonado, 
with his company, forward from here. He 
traveled four days and reached a large ravine 
like those of Colima, 1 in the bottom of which 
he found a large settlement of people. Ca- 

1 The reference is clearly to the district of Colima 
in western Mexico, where one of the earliest Spanish 
settlements was made. 

an, Google 


beza de Yaca and Dorantes bad passed 
through this place, so that they presented 
Don Kodrigo with a pile of tanned skins and 
other things, and a tent as big as a house, 
which he directed them to keep until the 
army came up. He sent some of his com- 
panions to guide the army to that place, so 
that they should not get lost, although he 
had been making piles of stones and cow 
dung for the army to follow. This was the 
way in which the army was guided by the 
advance guard. 

When the general came up with the army 
and saw the great quantity of skins, he 
thought he would divide them among the 
men, and placed guards so that they could 
look at them. But when the men arrived 
and saw that the general was sending some 
of his companions with orders for the guards 
to give them some of the skins, and that 
these were going to select the best, they 
were angry because they were not going to 
be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in 
less than a quarter of an hour nothing was 
left but the empty ground. 

The natives who happened to see this 
also took a hand in it. The women and 
some others were left crying, because they 
thought that the strangers were not going to 
take anything, but would bless them as Ca- 
beza de Yaca and Dorantes had done when 
they passed through here. They found an 
Indian girl here who was as white as a Cas- 
tilian lady, except that she had her chin 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


painted like a Moorish woman. In general 
they all paint themselves in this way here, 
and they decorate their eyes. 


Of bow great stones fell In the camp, and how 
they discovered another ravine, where the army was 
divided into two parts. 

While the army was resting in this ra- 
vine, aa wo have related, a tempest came up 
one afternoon with a very high wind and 
hail, and in a very short space of time a 
great quantity of hailstones, as big as bowls, 
or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that 
in places they covered the ground two or 
three spans or more deep. And one hit the 
horse — or I should say, there was not a 
horse that did not break away, except two 
or three which the negroes protected by 
holding large sea nets over them, with the 
_ helmets and shields which all the rest wore ; 
and some of them dashed up on to the sides 
of the ravine so that they got them down 
with great difficulty. If this had struck 
them while they were upon the plain, the 
army would have been in great danger of 
being left without its horses, as there were 
many which they were not able to cover. 
The hail broke many tents, and battered 
many helmets, and wounded many of the 
horses, and broke all the crockery of the 
army, and the gourds, which was no small 

am Google 


loss, because they do not Have any crockery 
in this region. They do not make gourds, 
nor sow com, nor eat bread, but instead raw 
meat — or only half cooked — and fruit. 

From here the general sent out to explore 
the country, and they found another settle- 
ment fourdays from there 1 . . . The coun- 
try was well inhabited, and they had plenty 
of kidney beans and prunes like those of 
Castile, and tall vineyards. These village 
settlements extended for three days. This 
was called Cona. Some TeyaB,* as these 
people are called, went with the army from 
here and traveled as far as the end of the 
other settlements with their packs of dogs 
and women and children, and then they 
gave them guides to proceed to a large ravine 
where the army was. They did not let these 
guides speak with the Turk and did not re- 
ceive the same statements from these as they 
had from the others. These said that Qui- 
vira was toward the north, and that we 
would not find any good road thither. After 
this they began to believe Tsopete. The 
ravine which the army had now reached was 
a league wide from one side to the other, 
with a little bit of a river at the bottom, and 
there were many groves of mulberry trees 
near it, and rosebushes with the same sort 

1 A man era de alixares. The margin reads AJex- 

eres. The word means threshing floor. 

* Bandelier suggests that the name may have origi- 
nated in the Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia! — 
friends ! friends! — with which tkey first greeted the 


sit, Google 


of fruit that they have in France. They 
made verjuice from, the unripe grapes at this 
ravine, although there were ripe ones. 
There were walnuts and the same kind of 
fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities 
of prunes like those of Castile. During this 
journey a Teya was seen to shoot a bull 
right through both shoulders with an arrow, 
which would be a good shot for a musket. 
These people are very intelligent ; the women 
are well made and modest. They cover 
their whole body. They wear shoes and 
buskins made of tanned skin. The women 
wear cloaks over their small under petticoats, 
with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, 
all of skin, and some wore something like 
little sanbenitos 1 with a fringe, which 
reached half-way down the thigh over the 

The army rested several days in this ra- 

■Capt. John Stevens's New Dictionary says the 
aanbenito was " the badge put upon converted Jews 
brought oat by the Inquisition, being in the nature 
of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging before 
and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, 
red and yellow. The name corrupted from Saco 
Benito, answerable to the sackcloth worn by peni- 
tents in the primitive church." Robert Tomson, in 
his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 155S, In Hakluyt, 
ill., 536, describes his imprisonment by the Holy 
Office in the city of Mexico: "Wewere brought into 
tile Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his 
backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with 
a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast 
ouer a mans head : both flaps hang one before, and 
another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a 
S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on 
vpon the same, and that is called S. Benito." 

am Google 


vine and explored the country. Up to this 
point they had made thirty-seven days' 
marches, traveling 6 or 7 leagues a day. lb 
had been the duty of one man to measure 
and count his steps. They found that it 
was 250 leagues to the settlements. 1 When 
the general Francisco Vazquez realized this, 
arid saw that they had been deceived by the 
Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were 
giving out and there was no country around 
here where they could procure more, he 
called the captains and ensigns together to 
decide on what they thought ought to be 
done. They all agreed that the general 
should go in search of Quivira with thirty 
horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and 
that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back 
to Tiguex with all the army. When the 
men in the army learned of this decision, 
they begged their general not to leave them 
to conduct the further search, but declared 
that they all wanted to die with him and 
did not want to go back. This did not do 
any good, although the general agreed to 
send messengers to them within eight days 
saying whether it was best for them to fol- 
low hi m or not, and with this he set off with, 
the guides be had and with Ysopete. The 
Turk was taken along in chains. 

am Google 



The general started from the ravine with 
the guides that the Teyas had given him. 
He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez Mb 
army-master, and took with him the men 
who seemed to him to be most efficient, and 
the best horses. The army still had some 
hope that the general would send for them, 
and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and 
riding post, to repeat their petition. 

The general arrived — I mean, the guides 
ran away during the first few days and 
Diego Lopez had to return to the army for 
guides, bringing orders for the army to re- 
turn to Tiguex to find food and wait there 
for the general. The Teyas, as before, will- 
ingly furnished him with new guides. The 
army waited for its messengers and spent a 
fortnight here, preparing jerked beef to take 
with them. It was estimated that during 
this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The 
number of these that were there without any 
cows was something incredible. Many fel- 
lows were lost at this time who went out 
hunting and did not get back to the army 
for two or three days, wandering about the 
country as if they were crazy, in one direc- 
tion or another, not knowing how to get 
back where they started from, although this 

am Google 


ravine extended in either direction so that 
they could find it. Every night they took 
account of who was missing, fired guns and 
blew trumpets and beat drums and built 
great fires, but yet some of them went off so 
far and wandered about so much that all this 
did not give them any help, although it 
helped others. The only way was to go 
back where they had killed an animal and 
start from there in one direction and another 
until they struck the ravine or fell in with 
somebody who could put them on the right 
road. It is worth noting that the country 
there is so level that at midday, after one 
has wandered about in one direction and an- 
other in pursuit of game, the only thing to 
do is to stay near the game quietly until 
sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and 
even then they have to be men who are 
practiced to do it. Those who are not, had 
to trust themselves to others. 

The general followed his guides until he 
reached Quivira, which took forty-eight 
days' marching, on acount of the great de- 
tour they had made toward Florida. He 
was received peacefully on account of the 
guides whom he had. They asked the Turk 
why he had lied and had guided them so far 
out of their way. He said that his country 
was in that direction and that, besides this, 
the people at Cicuye had asked him to lead 
them off on to the plains and lose them, so 
that the horses would die when their provi- 
sions gave out, and they would be so weak 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


if they ever returned that they would be 
killed without any trouble, and thus they 
could take revenge for what had been done 
to them. This was the reason why he had 
led them astray, supposing that they did not 
know how to hunt or to live without com, 
while as for the gold, he did not know where 
there was any of it. He said this like one 
who had given up hope and who found that 
he was being persecuted, since they had 
begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided 
them better than he had, and fearing lest 
those who were there might give some ad- 
vice by which some harm would come to 
him. They garroted him, which pleased 
Ysopete very much, because he had always 
said that Ysopete was a rascal and that he 
did not know what he was talking about 
and had always hindered his talking with 
anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any 
trace of either was found among these peo- 
ple. Their lord wore a copper plate on his 
neck and prized it highly. 

The messengers whom the army had sent 
to the general returned, as I said, and then, 
as they brought no news except what the 
alderman had delivered, the army left the 
ravine and returned to the Teyas, where 
they took guides who led them back by a 
more direct road. They readily furnished 
these, because these people are always roam- 
ing over this country in pursuit of the ani- 
mals and so know it thoroughly. They keep 
their road in this way : In the morning they 

sit, Google 


notice where the sun risen and observe the 
direction they are going to take, and then 
shoot an arrow in this direction. Before 
reaching this they shoot another over it, and 
in this way they go all day toward the water 
where they are to end the day. In this way 
they covered in 25 daya what had taken 
them 37 days going, besides stopping to 
hunt cows on the way. They found many 
salt lakes on this road, and there was a great 
quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of 
it on top of the water bigger than tables, as 
thick as four or five fingers. Two or three 
spans down under water there was salt 
which tasted better than that in the floating 
pieces, because this was rather bitter. It 
was crystalline. All over these plains there 
were large numbers of animals like squirrels 
and a great number of their holes. 

On its return the army reached the Cicuye 
river more than 30 leagues below there — I 
mean below the bridge they had made when 
they crossed it, and they followed it up to 
that place. In general, its banks are cov- 
ered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of 
which tastes like muscatel grapes. They 
grow on little twigs about as high up as a 
man. It has the parsley leaf. There were 
unripe grapes and currants (?) and wild mar- 
joram. The guides said this river joined 
that cf Tiguex more than 20 days from here, 
and that its course turned toward the east. 
It is believed that it flows into the mighty 
river of the Holy Spirit {Espiritu Santo), 

sit, Google 


which the men with Bon Hernando de Soto 
discovered in Florida. A painted Indian 
woman ran away from Juan de Saldibar and 
hid in the ravines about .this time, because 
she recognized the country of Tiguex where 
she had been a slave. She fell into the 
hands of some Spaniards who had entered 
the country from Florida to explore it in 
tins direction. After I got back to New 
Spain I heard them say that the Indian told 
them that she had run away from other men 
like them nine days, and that she gave the 
names of some captains; from which we 
ought to believe that we were not far from 
the region they discovered, although they 
aaid they were more than 200 leagues in- 
land. I believe the land at that point is 
more than 600 leagues across from sea to 

As I said, the army followed the river up 
as far as Cicuye, which it found ready for 
war and unwilling to make any advances tow- 
ard peace or to give any food to the army. 
From there they went on to Tiguex where 
several villages had been reinhabited, but 
the people were afraid and left them again. 


After Don Tristan de Arellano reached 
Tiguex, about the middle of July, in the 

am Google 


year '42,' he had provisions collected for the 
coming winter. Captain Francisco da Bar- 
rionuevo was sent up the river toward the 
north with several men. He saw two prov- 
inces, one of which was called Hemes and 
had seven villages, and the other Yuquey- 
nnque.* The inhabitants of Hemes came 
out peaceably and furnished provisions. At 
Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very 
fine villages which they had on either side 
of the river entirely vacant, and went into 
the mountains, where they had four very 
strong villages in a rough country, where it 
was impossible for horses to go. In the two 
villages there was a great deal of food and 
some very beautiful glazed earthenware with 
many figures and different shapes. Here 
they also found many bowls full of a care- 
fully selected shining metal with which they 
glazed the earthenware. This shows that 
mines of silver would be found in that 
country if they should hunt for them. 

There was a large and powerful river, I 
mean village, which was called Braba, 20 
leagues farther up the river, which our men 
called Valkdolid.' The river flowed through 

which is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, oppo- 
site Baa Juan. The others are near by. 

•Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier's Pinal Re- 
port, voL t, p. 128, for the identification of these 

am Google 


the middle of it. The natives crossed it by- 
wooden bridges, made of very long, large, 
squared pines. At this village they saw tho 
largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that 
there were in the entire country, for they 
had a dozen pillars, each one of which was 
twice as large around as one could reach and 
twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alva- 
rado visited this village when he discovered. 
Cicuye. The country is very high and very 
cold. The river is deep and very swift, 
without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo re- 
turned from here, leaving the province at. 

Another captain went down the river in: 
search of the settlements which the people 1 
at Tutahaco had said were several days dis- 
tant from there. This captain went down. 
80 leagues and found four large villages. 
which he left at peace. He proceeded until 
he found that the river sank into the earth, 
like the Guadiana in Estremadura.' He did . 
not go on to where the Indians said that it 
came out much larger, because his commis- 
sion did not extend for more than 80 leagues 
inarch. After this captain got back, as the ■ 
time had arrived which the captain had set 
for his return from Quivira, and as he had 
not come back, Don Tristan selected 40 

■ This rendering, doubtless correct, ia due to Ter- 
naux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above 
ground some time before it begins to mark the 
boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. 
The Caatafieda family bad its seat in quite the other 
end of the peninsula. 


am Google 


companions and, leaving the army to Fran- 
cisco de Barrionuevo, he started with them 
in search of the general 

When he reached Cicuye the people came 
oat of the village to fight, which detained 
him there four days, while he punished 
them, which he did by firing some volleys 
into the village. These killed several men, 
so that they did not come out against the 
army, since two of their principal men had 
been killed on the first day. Just then 
word was brought that the general was com- 
ing, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on 
this account also, to keep (he road open. 
Everybody welcomed the general on his ar- 
rival, with great joy. The Indian Xabe, 
who was the young fellow who had been 
given to the general at Cicuye when he 
started off in search of Quivira, was with 
Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned 
that the general was coming he acted as if 
he was greatly pleased, and said, "Now 
when the general comes, you will see that 
there is gold and silver in Quivira, although 
not so much; as the Turk said." When the 
general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had 
not found anything, he was sad and silent, 
and kept declaring that there was some. 
He made many believe that it was so, be- 
cause the general had not dared to enter into 
the country on account of its being thiokly 
settled and his force not very strong, and 
that he had returned to lead his army there 
after the rains, because it had begun to rain 

l.g.nzed I:, GoOglt! 


there already, as it was early in August when 
he left. It took him forty days to return, 
traveling lightly equipped. The Turk had 
said when they left Tiguex that they ought 
not to load the horses with too much pro- 
visions, which would tire them so that they 
could not afterward carry the gold and silver, 
from which it is very evident that he was 
deceiving them. 

The general reached Cicuye with his force 
and at once set off for Tiguex, leaving the 
village more quiet, for they had met him 
peaceably and had talked with him. When 
he reached Tiguex, he made his plans to 
pasB the winter there, so as to return with 
the whole army, because it was said that he 
brought information regarding large settle- 
ments and very large rivers, and that the 
country was very much like that of Spain 
in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. 
They were not ready to believe that there 
was no gold there, but instead had suspicions 
that there was some farther back in the coun- 
try, because, although this was denied, they 
knew what the thing was and had a name 
for it among themselves — acochis. With 
this we end this first part, and now we will 
give an account of the provinces, 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


Which Treats of the High Villages 
and Provinces and of their Habits 
and Customs, as Collected bt Pedbo 
de CastaSeda, Native of the City of 

Zaua Deo. 

It does not seem to me that the reader 
will be satisfied with having seen and under- 
stood what I have already related about the 
expedition, although that has made it easy 
to Bee the difference between the report 
which told about vast treasures, and the 
places where nothing like this was either 
found or known. It is to be noted that in 
place of settlements great deserts were found, 
and instead of populous cities villages of 200 
inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in 
the largest. I do not know whether this 
will furnish grounds for pondering and con- 
sidering the uncertainty of this life. To 
please these, I wish to give a detailed ac- 
count of all the inhabited region seen and 
discovered by this expedition, and some of 
their ceremonies and habits, in accordance 
with what we came to know about them, 
and the limits within which each province 

sit, Google 


falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to 
understand in what direction Florida lies and 
in what direction Greater India; and this 
land of New Spain is part of the mainland 
with Peru, and with Greater India or China 
as well, there not being any strait between 
to separate them. On the other hand, the 
country is so wide that there is room for 
these vast deserts which lie between the two 
seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond 
Florida stretches toward the BacallaoB ' and 
then turns toward Norway, while that of the 
South sea turns toward the west, making an- 
other bend down toward the south almost 
like a bow and stretches away toward India, 
leaving room for the lands that border on the 
mountains on both sides to stretch out in 
such a way as to have between them these 
great plains which are full of cattle and 
many other animals of different sorts, since 
they are not inhabited, as I will relate 
farther on. There is every sort of game and 
fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free 
from these. I will leave the account of the 
return of the army to New Spain until I 
have shown what slight occasion there was 
for this. We will begin our account with 
the city of Culiacan, and point out the differ- 
ences between the one country and the other, 
on account of which one ought to be settled 
by Spaniards and the other not. It should 
be the reverse, however, with Christians,. 

'The Newfoundland region. 

am Google 


since there are intelligent men in one, and 
in the other wild wnimalH and worse than 

Of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and 

Culiacan is the last place in the New 
Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settle- 
ment made by Nufio de Guzman when he 
conquered this kingdom. It is 210 leagues 
west of Mexico. In this province there are 
three chief languages, besides other related 
dialects. The first is that of the Tahus, 
who are the best and most intelligent race. 
They are now the most settled and have re- 
ceived the most light from the faith. They 
worship idols and make presents to the devil 
of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth 
and turquoises. They do not eat human 
flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed 
to keep very large snakes, which they ven- 
erate. Among them there are men dressed 
like women who marry other men and serve 
as their wives. At a great festival they con- 
secrate the women who wish to live unmar- 
ried, with much singing and dancing, at 
which all the chiefs of the locality gather 
and dance naked, and after all have danced 
with her they put her in a hut that haa been 
decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn 
her with clothes and bracelets of fine tur- 
quoises, and then the chiefs go in one by 

am Google 


one to lie with her, and all the others who 
wish, follow them. From this time on 
these women can not refuse anyone who 
pays them a certain amount agreed on for 
this. Even if they take husbands, this does 
not exempt them from obliging anyone who 
pays them. The greatest festivals are on 
market days. The custom is for the hus- 
bands to buy the women whom they marry, 
of their fathers and relatives at a high price, 
and then to take them to a chief, who is 
considered to be a priest, to deflower them 
and see if she is a virgin ; and if she is not, 
they have to return the whole price, and he 
can keep her for his wife or not, or let her 
be consecrated, as he chooses. At these 
times they all get drunk. 

The second language is that of the Pac- 
azes, the people who live in the country 
between the plains and the mountains. 
These people are more barbarous. Some of 
them who live near the mountains eat hu- 
man flesh. They are great sodomites, and 
have many wives, even when these are sis- 
ters. They worship painted and sculptured 
stones, and are much given to witchcraft and 

The third language is that of the Acaxes, 
who are in possession of a large part of the 
hilly country and all of the mountains. 
They go hunting for men just as they hunt 
animals. They all eat human flesh, and he 
who has the most human bones and skulls 
hung up around his house is most feared and 

am Google 


respected. They live in settlements and in 
very rough country, avoiding the plains. In 
passing from one settlement to another, there 
is always a ravine in the way which they 
can not cross,- although they can talk to- 
gether across it. At the slightest call 500 
men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat 
one another. Thus it has been very hard to 
subdue these people, on account of the rough- 
ness of the country, which is very great. 

Many rich silver mines have been found 
in this country. They do not run deep, but 
soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins 
on the coast of this province, entering the 
land 250 leagues toward the north and end- 
ing at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) 
river. This country forms its eastern limit, 
and California the western. From what I 
iiave been told by men who had navigated 
it, it is 30 leagues across from point to point, 
tiecause they lose eight of this country when 
they see the other. They say the gulf is 
over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore 
to shore. The coast makes a turn toward 
the south at the Firebrand river, bending 
down to California, which turns toward the 
west, forming that peninsula which was 
formerly held to be an island, because it was 
a low sandy country. It is inhabited by 
brutish, bestial, naked people who eat then- 
own offal. The men and women couple like 
animals, the female openly getting down on 
all fours. 

am Google 



Petlatlan is a settlement of houses cov- 
ered with a sort of mats made of plants. 
These are collected into villages, extending 
along a river from the mountains to the sea. 
The people are of the same race and habits 
as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much 
sodomy among them. In the mountain dis- 
trict there is a large population and more 
settlements. These people have a somewhat 
different language from the Tahues, although 
they understand each other. It is called 
Petlatlan because the houses are made of 
petates or palm-leaf mats. 1 Houses of this 
sort are found for more than 240 leagues in 
this region, to the beginning of the Cibola 
wilderness. The nature of the country 
changes here very greatly, because from this 
point on there are no trees except the pine, 
nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,* 
mesquites,' and pitahayas.' 

Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and 

1 Bandelier found the Opata Indians living In 
bouses made with "a slight foundation of cobble- 
stones which supported a framework of posts stand- 
ing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a 
slanting roof of yucca oi palm leaves covered the 
whole. "—Final Report, pt. L, p. 68. 

' The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear. 

iProaopUjuliflora. *Cerwt thurberii. 


am Google 


it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of 
Sefiora. There ate many rivers between the 
two, with settlements of the same sort of 
people — for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, Teo- 
como, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. 
There is also the Corazones or Hearts, which 
is in our possession, down the valley of Se- 
fiora. 1 

Sefiora is a river and valley thickly settled 
by able-bodied people. The women wear 
petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san 
benitos reaching half way down the body. 
The chiefs of the villages go up on some lit- 
tle heights they have made for this purpose, 
like public criers, and there make proclama- 
tions for the space of an hour, regulating 
those things they have to attend to. They 
have some little huts for shrines, all over the 
outside of which they stick many arrows, 
like a hedgehog. They do this when they 
are eager for war. All about this province 
toward the mountains there is a large popu- 
lation in separate little provinces containing 
ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of 
them, of which I know the names, are Comu- 
patrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little 
Valley. There are others which we did not 

It is 40 leagues from Sefiora to the valley 
of Suya. The town of Saint Jerome (San. 
Hieronimo) was established in this valley, 
where there was a rebellion later, and part 

am Google 


of the people who had settled there were 
killed, as will be seen in the third part. 
There are many villages in the neighborhood 
of this valley. The people are the same as 
those in SeBora and have the same dress and 
language, habits, and customs, like all the 
rest aa far as the desert of Chichilticalli 
The women paint their chins and eyes like 
the Moorish womeu of Barbary. They are 
great sodomites. They drink wine made of 
the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great 
thistle which opens like the pomegranate. 
The wine makes them stupid. They make 
a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; 
they preserve it in a large amount of its sap 
without other honey. They make bread of 
the mcsquite, like cheese, which keeps good 
for a whole year. 1 There are native melons 
in this country so large that a person can 
carry only one of them. They cut these 
into slices and dry them in the sun. They 
are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are 
better than dried meat ; they are very good 
and sweet, keeping for a whole year when 
prepared in this way.' 

In this country there were also tame 

from the Relacioiics o 
Arizona Indians: "Tambien tienen para su sustento 
Mescali que es conserva de rata de maguey. " The 
strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican 
or American agave. 

'These were doubtless cantaloupes. The south- 
western Indians still slice and dry them in a manner 
[similar to that here described. 

am Google 


eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be 
something fine. 1 No fowls of any sort were 
seen in any of these villages except in this 
valley of Suya, where fowls like those of 
Castile were found. Nobody could find out 
how they came to be so far inland, the peo- 
ple being all at war with one another. Be- 
tween Suva and Chichilticalli there are 
many sheep and mountain goats with very 
large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards 
declare that they have seen flocks of more 
than a hundred together, which ran so fast 
that they disappeared very quickly. 

At Chichilticalli the country changes ita 
character again and the spiky vegetation 
ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches 
as far up as this place, and the mountain 
chain changes its direction at the same time 
that the coast does. Here they had to cross 
and pass through the mountains in order to 
get into the level country. 


Chichilticalli is so called because the 
friars found a house at this place which was 
formerly inhabited by people who separated 
from Cibola. It was made of colored or red- 

1 The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zufli and 
Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are high- 
ly prized because of their reputed sacred character. 

am Google 


dish earth.' The house was large and ap- 
peared to have been a fortress. It must 
have been destroyed by the people of the 
district, who are the most barbarous people 
that have yet been seen. They live in sepa- 
rate cabins and not in settlements. They 
live by hunting. The rest of the country is 
all wilderness, covered with pine forests. 
There are great quantities of the pine nuts. 
The pines are two or three times as high as 
a man before they send out branches. There 
is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which 
they make cakes like sugar plums with dried 
coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. 
Watercress grows in many springs, and there 
are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild 

There are barbels and picones, like those 
of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness. 
Gray lions and leopards were seen.' The 
country rises continually from the beginning 
of the wilderness until Cibola is reached, 
which is 85 leagues, going north. From 
Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the 
route had kept the north on the left hand. 

Cibola ' is seven villages. The largest is 

Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives references to the 
ancient and modern descriptions. 

'These were evidently the mountain lion and the 
■wild -cat. 

•Albert S. Gatschet, In hisZwSlf Sprachen, p. 109, 
says that this word is now to be found only in the 
dialect of the pueblo of Ialeta, under the form aibti- 
loda, buffalo. 


am Google 


called Macaque. 1 The houses are ordinarily 
three or four stories high, but in Macaque 
there are houses with four and seven stories. 
These people are very intelligent. They 
cover their privy parts and all the immodest 
parts with cloths made like a sort of table 
napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at 
each corner, which they tie over the hips. 
They wear long robes of feathers and of the 
skins of hares and cotton blankets.' The 
women wear blankets, which they tie or 
knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right 
arm out. These serve to cover the body. 
They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment 
of skin. They gather their hair over the 
two ears, making a frame which looks like 
an old-fashioned headdress.' 

1 MatsakI, the ruins of which are at the northwest- 
ern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier's 
Final Report, pt. i., p. 183, and Hodge, First Dis- 
covered City of Cibola. 

■ The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, 
but those of turkey plumes are out of use altogether. 
See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. 1., pp. 87 and 168. 
They used also the fiber of the yucca a*nd agave for 
making clothes. 

* J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal 
of American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. li., p. 
165 it., says; "Thedressof the HopiJ Moki, orTusay- 
an] women consists of a, black blanket about Si feet 
square, folded around the body from the left side. 
It passes under the left arm and over the right 
shoulder, being sewed together on the right sue, 
except a bole about 8 inches long near the upper 
end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted 
in at the waist by a sash about 8 Inches wide. Some- 
times, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under 
this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied together by 
two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


This country is in a valley between moun- 
tains in the form of isolated cliffs. They 
cultivate the corn, which does not grow very 
high, in patches. There are three or four 
large fat ears having each eight hundred 
grains on every stalk growing upward from 
the ground, something not seen before in 
these parts. There are large numbers of 
bears in this province, and lions, wild-cats, 
deer, and otter. There are very fine tur- 
quoises, although not so many as was re- 
ported. They collect the pine nuts each 
year, and store them up in advance. A 
man does not have more than one wife. 
There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages, 
which are the courtyards or places where 
they gather for consultation. They do not 
have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled 
by a council of the oldest men. They have 
priests who preach to them, whom they call 
papas. 1 These are the elders. They go up 
on the highest roof of the village and preach 
to the village from there, like public criers, 
in the morning while the sun is rising, the 
whole village being silent and sitting in the 
galleries to listen.' They tell them how 

* Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, In his Few Summer Cere- 
monials at the Tusayao Pueblos, p. 7, describes the 
Da'wa-W^mp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of 

they prepare offerings to It. 

am Google 


they are to live, and I believe that they give 
certain commandments for them to keep, for 
there is no drunkenness among them nor 
sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat 
human flesh nor steal, but they are usually 
at work. The estufas belong to the whole 
village. It is a sacrilege for the women to 
go into the estufas to sleep. 1 They make 
the cross as a sign of peace. They burn 
their dead, and throw the implements used 
in their work into the fire with the bodies.* 

■ In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 
6, Dr. Fewkes says that" with the exception of their 
own dances, women do not take part in the secret 
klbva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said 
that they are debarred entrance as assistants in mak- 
ing the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they 
""■e called upon to represent dramatizations of tra- 

rendu of the Congres International des American- 
teres, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172, speaking of the exca- 
vations of "LosHuertos" in southern Arizona, says: 
"All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the 
Intramural burials], were, with but few exceptions, 
disposed with the heads to the east and slightly 
elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face 
the west; and the hands were usually placed at the 
sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all 
were paraphernalia, household utensil^, articles of 
adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite inva- 
riably partook of a sacerdotal character." In the 
pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings, 
"each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small, 
according to the age of the person whose thoroughly 
cremated remains it was designed to receive, to- 
gether, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued 
and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed 
at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel 
was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover 
(roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which 
hitter, in most cases, showed traces of having been 



It is 20 leagues to Tusayan, going north- 
west. This is a province with seven vil- 
lages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and 
ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be aa 
many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen 
villages of these two provinces. It is 40 
leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending 

zen DroKen vessels, oiten, inaeeu, it complete set; 

mely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and 
bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles, 
large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, 
however, one or another of these vessels Actually 
designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used 
as the receptacle of his or her remains. In every 
Much case the vessel had been either punctured at 
the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked 
— from Zufii customs, in the process of 'killing' it"" 
The remains of other articles were around, burned 
in the same fire. 

Since the above note was extracted, excavations 

tive account of which will be published in a forth- 
coming report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyat- 
ki is located at the base of the First Hesa of 
Tusayan, about S miles from llano. The house 
structures were situated on an elongated elevation, 
the western extremity of the village forming a sort 
of acropolis. On the northern, western, ana south- 
ern slopes of the height, outside the village proper, 
cemeteries were found, and in these most of the 
excavations were conducted. Many graves were 
uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10 
feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to 
be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying 
these remains were hundreds of food and water ves- 
sels in great variety of form and decoration, and in 
quality of texture far better than any earthenware 
previously recovered from a pueblo people. With, 
the remains of the priests there were found, in addi- 

iwized t, Google 


toward the north. The rock of Acuco, 
which we described in the first part, is be- 
tween these. 


Tiguex is a province with twelve villages 
on the banks of a large, swift river ; some 
-villages on one side and some on the other. 
It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, 
and a very high, rough, snow-covered moun- 
tain chain lies east of it. There are seven 
villages in the ridges at the foot of this — 
four on the plain and three situated on the 
skirts of the mountain. 

There are seven villages 7 leagues to the 
north [i.e. of Tiguex] , at Quirix, and the 
seven villages of the province of Hemes are 
40 leagues northeast. It is four leagues north 
or east to Acha. 1 Tutahaco, a province 
■with eight villages, is toward the southeast. 
In general, these villages all have the same 

beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints, 
stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other 
paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hop! of 
today. The house walls were constructed of small, 
flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid 
in adobe mortar and plastered with the same mate- 
rial. The rooms were Invariably small, averaging 
perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite 
thin. No human remains were found in the houses, 
nor were any evidences of cremation observed. 
1 The pueblo of Picuris. 

am Google 


habits and customs, although some have 
some things in particular which the others 
have not. 1 They are governed by the opin- 
ions of the elders. They all work together 
to build the villages, the women being en- 
gaged in making the mixture and the walk, 
while the men bring the wood and put it in 
place.* They have no lime, but they make 
a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is 
almost as good as mortar, for when the house 
is to have four stories, they do not make the 
walls more than half a yard thick. They 
gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and 

' Bandelier gives a general account of the internal 
condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to- 
the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt. L, 
p. 130. 

■Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of it Stone Pue> 
blo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii., p. 541, 
says: "Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a. 
bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohe- 
sion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New 
Meiico there are immense tracts covered with what 
is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the de- 
gree of its excellence. The kind of which they 
make their pottery has the largest per cent, of alu- 
mina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed 
which grows in this particular soil. This kind also 
makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it 
freely in laying their walls, as freely as our masons 
use lime mortar ; and although it never acquires the 
hardness of cement, it disintegrates slowly. . . . 
This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry cli- 
mate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexi- 
co, where the precipitation is less than 5 inches 
!ier annum. ... To the presence of this adobe soil, 
ound in such abundance in the regions named, and 
to the sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are 
often found in fragments, we must attribute the 
great progress made by these Indians in house 


am Google 


sedge grass and set it afire, and when it is 
half coals and ashes they throw a quantity 
of dirt and water on it and mix it all to- 
gether. They make round balls of this, 
which they use instead of stones after they 
are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, 
which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before 
they are married the young men serve the 
whole village in general, and fetch the wood 
that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in 
the courtyard of the villages, from which 
the women take it to carry to their houses. 

The young men live in the estuias, which 
are in the yards of the village. 1 They are 
underground, square or round, with pine pil- 
lars. Some were seen with twelve pillars and 
with four in the center as large as two men 
could stretch around. They usually bad 
three or four pillars. The floor was made of 
large, smooth stones, like the baths which 
they have in Europe. They have a hearth 
made like the binnacle or compass box of a 
ship, in which they burn a handful of 

■ Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Re- 
port, pt. 1., p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the 
Spanish writers, with his usual wealth of footnote*. 
Dr. his Zufii Summer Ceremonials, says; 
'These rooms are semis ubterrace an (In Zufii), situ- 
ated on the first or ground floor, never, so far as I 
have seen, on the second or higher stories. They 
are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with 
openings just large enough to admit the bead serv- 
ing as windows, and still preserve the old form of 
entrance by ladders through a sky hole in the roof. 
"Within, the eatulas have bare walls and are unfur- 
nished, but have a raised ledge about the walls. 
Serving as Beats." 

am Google 


thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and 
they can atay in there just aa in a bath. 
The top was on a level with the ground. 
Some that were seen were large enough for 
a game of ball. When any man wishes to 
marry, it has to be arranged by those who 
govern. The man has to spin and weave a 
blanket and place it before the woman, who 
covers herself with it and becomes his wife. 
The houses belong to the women, the estufas 
to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, 
he has to go to the estufa. It is forbidden 
for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter 
these for any purpose except to give their 
husbands or eons something to eat. The 
men spin and weave. The women bring up 
the children and prepare the food. The 
country is bo fertile that they do not have 
to break up the ground the year round, but 
only have to sow the seed, which is pres- 
ently covered by the fall of snow, and the 
ears come up under the snow. In one year 
they gather enough for seven. A very large 
number of cranes and wild geese and crows 
and starlings live on what is sown, and for 
all this, when they come to sow for another 
year, the fields are covered with com which 
they have not been able to finish gathering. 
There are a great many native fowl in these 
provinces, and cocks with great banging 
chins.' When dead, these keep for sixty 
days, and longer in winter, without losing- 

1 The American turkey cocks. 

am Google 


their feathers or opening, and without any 
bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. 

The villages are free from nuisances, be- 
cause they go outside to excrete, and they 
pass their water into clay vessels, which 
they empty at a distance from the village. 1 

They keep the separate houses where they 
prepare the food for eating and where they 
grind the meal, very clean. This is a sepa- 
rate room or closet, where they have a trough 
with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three 
women go in here, each one having a stone, 
with which one of them breaks the corn, the 
next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.* 

■A custom still common at Zufll and other pue- 
blos. Before the Introduction of manufactured dyes 
the Hopi used urine as a mordant. 

'Mr. Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnol- 
ogy and Arckseology, vol. if., p. 108 »., describes 
these mealing troughs- "In every house will he 
found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, 
and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more 
compartments. In the older houses the sides and 
partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some of 
the newer ones they are made of boards. Within 
each compartment Is a stone (trap rock preferred) 
about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a 
bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 85°. 
This is not quite in the center of the compartment, 
but Is set about: inches 8 nearer the right side 
than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge 
of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone 
of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches 
long, 8 Inches wide, and varies in thickness ac- 
cording to the fineness of the meal desired. The 
larger stone is called a mfita and tbe smaller one a 
mataki. The woman places the com in the trough, 
tben kneels behind it and grasps the maUiki in both 
hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, 
back and forth over the mats. At intervals she re- 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


They take off their shoes, do up their hair; 
shake their clothes, and cover their heads 
before they enter the door. A man sits at 
the door playing on a fife while they grind, 
moving the stones to the music and singing- 
together. They grind a large quantity at 
one time, because they make all their bread 
of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers. 
They gather a great quantity of brushwood 
and dry it to use for cooking all through the* 
year. There are no fruits good to eat in the 
country, except the pine nuts. They have 
their preachers. Sodomy is not found among 
them. They do not eat human flesh nor 
make sacrifices of it. The people are nob 
cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in 
Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, 
and when the village was captured, he was 
found among their dead, whole and without 
any other wound except the one which killed 
him, white as snow, without any bad smell. 
I found out several things about them from: 
one of our Indians, who had been a captive' 
among them for a whole year. I asked him 
especially for the reason why the young- 
women in that province went entirely naked, 

teases her hold with her left hand and with it places. 

the material to be ground upon the upper end of the 
m&ta. She usually sings in time to her grinding- 

There fs a more extended account of these trougha 
in Mindeleffs Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208. This 
excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustra- 
tions, Is an invaluable introduction to any study of 
the southwestern Tillage Indians. 

am Google 


however cold it might be, and he told me 
that the virgins had to go around this way 
until they took a husband, and that they 
covered themselves after they had known 
man. The men here wear little shirts of 
tanned deerskin and their long robes over 
this. In all these provinces they have earth- 
enware glazed with antimony and jars of ex- 
traordinary labor and workmanship, which 
were worth seeing. 1 


Of Cicuye and the Tillages Id Its neighborhood, 
and of how some people came to conquer this coun- 

We have already said that the people of 
Tiguex and of all the provinces on the banks 
of that river were all alike, having the same 
ways of living and the same customs. It 
will not be necessary to say anything par- 
ticukr about them. I wish merely to give 
an account of Cicuye and some depopulated 
villages which the army saw on the direct 
road which it followed thither, and of others 
that were across the snowy mountains near 
Tiguex, which also lay in that region above 
the river. 

1 See W. n. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pue- 
blos, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology ; also Ms Illustrated Catalogue of a portion 
of the collections made during the field season of 
1881, in the Third Annual Report. 

am Google 


Cicuye ■ is a village of nearly five hun- 
dred warriors, who are feared throughout that 
country. It is square, situated on a rock, 
with a large court or yard in the middle, 
containing the estufas. The houses are all 
alike, four stories high. One can go over 
the top of the whole village without there 
being a street to hinder. There are cor- 
ridors going all around it at the first two 
stories, by which one can go around the 
whole village. These are like outside bal- 
conies, and they are able to protect them- 
selves under these. The houses do not have 
doors below, but they use ladders, which can 
be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up 
to the corridors which are on the inside of 
the village. As the doors of the houses 
open on the corridor of that story, the corri- 
dor serves aa a street. The houses that open 
on the plain are right back of those that 
•open on the court, and in time of war they 
go through those behind them. The village 
is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is 
a spring of water inside, which they are able 
to divert.' The people of this village boast 
that no one has been able to conquer them 
and that they conquer whatever villages they 

illy written Acuye. The Relacion del Suceso has 

'Toe Spring was "still trickling out beneath a 
massive ledge of rocks on the west sill " when Ban- 
delier sketched it in 1880. 


am Google 


wish. The people and their customs are like 
those of the other villages. Their virgins 
also go nude until they take husbands, be- 
cause they say that if they do anything 
wrong then it will be seen, and so they 
do not do it. They do not need to be 
ashamed because they go around as they were 

There is a village, small and strong, be- 
tween Cicuye and the province of Quirix, 
which the Spaniards named Ximena, 1 and 
another village almost deserted, only one part 
of which is inhabited.' This was a large 
village, and judging from its condition and 
newness it appeared to have been destroyed. 
They called this the village of the granaries 
or silos, because large underground cellars 
were found here stored with corn. There 
was another large village farther on, entirely 
destroyed and pulled down, in the yards of 
which there were many stone balls, as big as 
12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been 
thrown by engines or catapults, which had 
destroyed the village. All that I was able 
to find out about them was that, sixteen 
years before, some people called Teyas,* had 

1 The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and 
a half northeast of the present town of the same 
name, in Bunta Fe county. 

3 According to Mota Padilla, this was called Co- 
quit e. 

* These Indiana were seen by Coronado during his 
journey across the plains. As Mr. Hodge has sug- 
gested, they may have been the Comanches, who on 
many occasions are known to have made inroads OH 
the pueblo of Pecos. 


ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Come to this country in great numbers and 
had destroyed these villages. They had be- 
sieged Cicuye but had not been able to cap- 
ture it, because it was strong, and when they 
left the region, they had made peace with 
the whole country. It seems as if they must 
have been a powerful people, and that they 
must have had engines to knock down the 
villages. The only thing they could tell 
about the direction these people came from 
was by pointing toward the north. They 
usually call these people Teyas or brave 
men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas 
or braves, for the Teyas whom the army 
saw were brave. These knew the people in 
the settlements, and were friendly with them, 
and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there 
to spend the winter under the wings of the 
settlements. The inhabitants do not dare 
to let them come inside, because they can 
not trust them. Although they are received 
as friends, and trade with them, they do 
not stay in the villages over night, but 
outside under the wings. The villages are , 
guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who 
call to one another just as in the fortresses 
of Spain. 

There are seven other villages along this 
route, toward the snowy mountains, one of 
which has been half destroyed by the people 
already referred to. These were under the 
rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley 
between mountain chains and mountains 
covered with large pine forests. There is a 

am Google 


little stream which contains very good trout 
and otters, and there are very large bears 
and good falcons hereabouts. 


Which gives the number of villages which wen 
seen In the country of the terraced houses, and their 

Before I proceed to speak of the plains, 
with the cows and settlements and tribes, 
there, it seems to me that it will be well for 
the reader to know how large the settlements 
were, where the houses with stories, gath- 
ered into villages, were seen, and how great 
an extent of country they occupied. 1 As 
I say, Cibola is the first: 

Cibola, seven villages. 

Tusayan, seven villages.. 

The rock of Acuco, one. 

Tiguex, twelve villages. 

Tutahaco, eight villages. 

These villages were below the river. 

Quirix,* seven villages. 

1 Bandolier, Pinal Report, pt. i.,p. 84. u WIthth» 
exception of Acoma, there is not a single pueblo 
standing where it was at the time of Coronado, or 
even sixty years later, when Juan de O&ate accom- 
plished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican 
village Indians." Compare with the discussion In 
this part of his Pinal Report, Mr. Bandelier's at- 
tempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in 
hia Historical Introduction, pp. 23-34. 

'The Queres district, now represented by Santo 

Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castaneda's ' 


am Google 


In the snowy mountains, seven villages. 

Ximeua, 1 three villages. 

Cicuye, one village. 

Hemes," seven villages. 

Agues Calientes,* or Boiling Springs, three 

Yuqueyunque,' in the mountains, six vil- 

Valladolid, called Braba,' one village. 

Chin," one village. 

In all, there are sixty-six villages. Tiguex 
appears to be in the center of the villages. 
Valladolid is the farthest up the river tow- 
ard the northeast. The four villages down 
the river are toward the southeast, because 
the river turns toward the east.* It is 130 
leagues — 10 more or less — from the farthest 
point that was seen down the river to the 
farthest point up the river, and all the settle- 
ments are within this region. Including 
those at a distance, there are sixty-six vil- 
lages in all, as I have said, and in all of 
them there may be some 20,000 men, which 

Cliia), and Cochiti. Acoma and Laguna, to the 
westward, belong to the same linguistic group. 
Lagunu, however, la a modern pueblo. 

1 One of these was the Tano pueblo of Qallsteo, as 
noted on page 523. 

'The Jemes pueblo clusters In San Diego and 
Quadaloupe canyons. See pi. i.xs. 

' The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the vil- 
lage of Chamlta, above Santa Fe, now stands. 


*The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia. 

'The trend of the river in the section of the old 
pueblo settlements is really westward. 

am Google 


may be taken to be a fair estimate of the 
population of the villages. There are no 
houses or other buildings between one vil- 
lage and another, but where we went it is 
entirely uninhabited. These people, since 
they are few, and their manners, govern- 
ment, and habits are so different from all the 
nations that have been seen and discovered 
in these western regions, must come from 
that part of Greater India, the coast of which 
lies to the west of this country, for they 
could have come down from that country, 
crossing the mountain chains and following 
down the river, settling in what seemed to 
them the best place. 1 As they multiplied, 
they kept on making settlements until they 
lost the river when it buried itself under- 
ground, its course being in the direction of 
Florida. It comes down from the northeast, 
where they * could certainly have found signs 
of villages. He preferred, however, to follow 
the reports of the Turk, but it would have 
been better to cross the mountains where 
this river rises. I believe they would have 
found traces of riches and would have reached 
the lands from which these people started, 
which from its location is on the edge of 

1 The Tusaj-an Indiana belong to the same linguis- 
tic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock, 
and others. The original habitat of the main body 
of these tribes was in the far north, although certain 
clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. 
See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108. 

s The Spaniards under Coronado. 

am Google 


Greater India, although the region is neither 
known nor understood, because from the 
trend of the coast it appears that the land 
between Norway and China is very far up. 
The country from sea to sea is very wide, 
judging from the location of both coasts, as 
well as from what Captain Villalobos discov- 
ered when he went in search of China by the 
sea to the west, 1 and from what has been 
discovered on the North sea concerning the 
trend of the coast of Florida toward the 
Bacallaos, up toward Norway. 

To return then to the proposition with 
which I began, I say that the settlements 
and people already named were all that were 
seen in a region 70 leagues wide and 130 
long, in the settled country along the river 
Tiguez. In New Spain there are not one 
but many establishments, containing a larger 
number of people. Silver metals were found 
in many of their villages, which they use for 
glazing and painting their earthenware. 


We have spoken of the settlements of high 
houses which are situated in what seems to 
be the most level and open part of the mouu- 

ineda mar have known about it. 

am Google 


tains, since it is 150 leagues across before 
entering the level country between the two 
mountain chains which I said were near 
the North sea and the South sea, which 
might better be called the Western sea along 
this coast. This mountain series is the one 
which is near the South sea. 1 In order to 
show that the settlements are in the middle 
of the mountains, I will state that it is 80 
leagues from Cbichilticalli, where we began 
to cross this country, to Cibola; from Cibola, 
which is the first village, to Cicuye, which 
is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues ; 
it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to where the 
plains begin. It may be we went across in 
an indirect or roundabout way, which would 
make it seem as if there was more country 
than if it had been crossed in a direct line, 
and it may be more difficult and rougher. 
This can not be known certainly, because 
the mountains change their direction above 
the bay at the month of the Firebrand 
(Tizon) river. 

Now we will speak of the plains. The 
country is spacious and level, and is more 
than 400 leagues wide in the part between 
the two mountain ranges — one, that which 
Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and the 
other that which the force under Don Fer- 
nando de Soto crossed, near the North sea, 
entering the country from Florida. No set- 
tlements were seen anywhere on these plains. 



la traversing 250 leagues, the other moon- 
tain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a 
hillock which was three times as high as a 
man. Several lakes were found at intervals ; 
they were round as plates, a stone's throw 
or more across, some fresh and some salt. 
The grass grows tall near these lakes; away 
from them it is very short, a span or less. 
The country is like a bowl, so that when a 
man sits down, the horizon surrounds him 
all around at the distance of a musket shot. 
There are no groves of trees except at die 
rivers, which flow at the bottom of some 
ravines where the trees grow so thick that 
they were not noticed until one was right on 
the edge of them. They are of dead earth. 
There are paths down into these, made by 
the cows when they go to the water, which 
is essential throughout these plains. 

As I have related in the first part, people 
follow the cows, hunting them and tanning 
the skins to take to the settlements in the 
winter to sell, since they go there to pass 
the winter, each company going to those 
which are nearest, some to the settlements 
at Cicuye, others toward Quivira, and others 
to the settlements which are situated in the 
direction of Florida. These people are called 
Querechos and Teyas. They described some 
large settlements, and judging from what 
was seen of these people and from the ac- 
counts they gave of other places, there are a 
good many more of these people than there 
are of those at the settlements. They have 

am Google 


better figures, are better warriors, and ate 
more feared. They travel like the Arabs, 
with their tents and troops of dogs loaded 
with poles ' and having Moorish pack saddles 
with girths. When the load gets disarranged, 
the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them 
right. These people eat raw flesh and drink 
blood. They do nob eat human flesh. They 
are a kind people and not cruel They are 
faithful friends. They are able to make 
themselves very well understood by means 
of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun, 
cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they 
grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort 
of sea aoup of it to eat. A handful thrown 
into a pot swells up so as to increase very 
much. They season it with fat, which they 
always try to secure when they kill a cow. 1 
They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, 
and carry this around the neck to drink when 
they are thirsty. When they open the belly 
of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass 
and drink the juice that remains behind, be- 
cause they say that this contains the essence 
of the stomach. They cut the hide open at 
the back and pull it off at the joints, using 
a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little 
stick, with as much ease as if working with 
a good iron tool. They give it an edge with 
their own teeth. The quickness with which 
they do this is something worth seeing and 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 



There are very great numbers of ^rolves 
on these plains, which go around with the 
cows. They have white skins. The deer 
are pied with white. Their skin is loose, 
so that when they are killed it can be pulled 
off with the hand while warm, coming off 
like pigskin. The rabbits, which are very 
numerous, are so foolish that those on horse- 
back killed them with their knees. This is 
when they are mounted among the cows. 
They fly from a person on foot. 


Qui visa is to the west of those ravines, in 
the midst of the country, somewhat nearer 
the mountains toward the sea, for the coun- 
try is level as far as Quivira, and there they 
began to see some mountain chains. The 
country is well settled. Judging from what 
was seen on the borders of it, this country is 
very similar to that of Spain in the varieties 
of vegetation and fruits. There are plums 
like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulber- 
ries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and 
large quantities of flax, but this does not do 
them any good, because they do not know 
how to use it. 1 The people are of almost 

1 Mr. Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska 
Historical Society, vol. i., p. 198, shows how closely 
the descriptions of Castafieda, Jaramillo, and the 
others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora 
and fauna of his State. 


am Google 


the same sort and appearance as the Teyaa. 
They have villages like those ia New Spain. 
The houses are round, without a wall, and 
they have one story like a loft, under tiie 
roof, where they sleep and keep their belong- 
ings. The roofs are of straw. There are 
other thickly settled provinces around it con- 
taining large numbers of men. A friar 
named Juan de Padilla remained in this 
province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese 
and a negro and a half-blood and some In- 
dians from the province of Capothan, in New 
Spain. They killed the friar because he 
wanted to go to the province of the Guas, 
who were their enemies. The Spaniard es- 
caped by taking flight on a mare, and after- 
ward reached New Spain, coining out by 
way of Panuco. The Indians from New 
Spain who accompanied the friar were 
allowed by the murderers to bury him, and 
then they followed the Spaniard and over- 
took him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, 
named Campo. 

The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu 
Santo),' which Don Fernando de Soto dis- 
covered in the country of Florida, flows 
through this country. It passes through a 
province called Arache, according to the 
reliable accounts which were obtained here. 
The sources were not visited, because, ac- 
cording to what they said, it comes from a 
very distant country in the mountains of the 

1 The Mississippi and Missouri rivers. 



South sea, from the part that sheds its waters 
onto the plains. It flows across all the level 
country and breaks through the mountains 
of the North sea, and comes out where the 
people with Con Fernando de Soto navigated 
it. This is more than 300 leagues from 
where it enters the sea. On account of this, 
and also because it has large tributaries, it 
is so mighty when it enters the sea that they 
lost sight of the land before the water ceased 
to be fresh. 1 

This country of Quivira was the last that 
was seen, of which I am able to give any 
description or information. Now it is proper 
for me to return and speak of the army, 
which I left in Tiguex, resting for the win- 
ter, so that it would be able to proceed or re- 
turn in search of these settlements of Quivira, 
which was not accomplished after all, because 
it was God's pleasure that these discoveries 
should remain for other peoples and that we 
who had been there should content ourselves 
with saying that we were the first who dis- 
covered it and obtained any information con- 
cerning it, just as Hercules knew the site 
where Julius Ctesar was to found Seville or 
Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant 
that His will be done in everything. It is 
certain that if this had not been His will 
Francisco Vazquez would not have returned 
to New Spain without cause or reason, as he 
did, and that it would not have been left for 
a reminiscence of Cabeza de Va- 

a ii, Google 


those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle 
such a good country, as they have done, and 
besides settling it to increase its extent, after 
obtaining, as they did, information from our 

'Mot a Padilla, cap. xuiil, 4, p. 166, given his 
reasons for the failure of the expedition: "It was 
most likely the chastisement of God that riches were 
not found on this expedition, because, when this 
ouclit to have been the secondary object of the ex- 
pedition, and tbe conversion of all those heathen 
their first aim, they bartered with fate and strug- 

£led after the secondary; and thus the misfortune 
> not so much that all those labors were without 
fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls 
have remained in their blindness. " 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


Which Descbibes What Happened to 
Francisco Vazquez Cokonado Dubing 


the Expedition and Retuened to New 

Laua Deo. 


Of bow Don Pedro de Tovar came from Sefiore 
with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas 
started back to New Spain. 

At the end of the first part of this book, 
we told how Francisco Vazquez Coronado, 
when he got back fronf Quivira, gave orders 
to winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when 
the winter was over, with his whole army 
to discover all the settlements in those 
regions. Don Pedro de Tovar, who had 
gone, as we related, to conduct a force from 
the city of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo), 
arrived in the meantime with the men whom 
he had brought. He had not selected the 
rebels and seditious men there, but the most 
experienced ones and the best soldiers — men 
whom he could trust — wisely considering 
that he ought to have good men in order to 
go in search of his general in the country of 
the Indian called Turk. 

am Google 


Although they found the army at Tiguex 
when they arrived there, this did not please 
them much, because they had come with 
great expectations, believing that they would 
find their general in the rich country of the 
Indian called Turk. They consoled them- 
selves with the hope of going back there, 
and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of 
undertaking this return expedition, which 
the army would soon make to Quivira. Don 
Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New 
Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio 
de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among 
these was one from Don Garcia Lopez de 
Cardenas, which informed bint of the death 
of bis brother, the heir, and summoned him 
to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this 
account be was given permission, and left 
Tiguex with several other persons who re- 
ceived permission to go and settle their affairs. 
There were many others who would have 
liked to go, but did not, in order not to ap- 
pear faint-hearted. During this time the 
general endeavored to pacify several villages 
in the neighborhood which were not well 
disposed, and to make peace with the people 
at Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of 
the cloth of the country, because the soldiers 
were almost naked and poorly clothed, full 
of lice, which they were unable to get rid of 
or avoid. 

The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, 

J had been beloved and obeyed by his captains 

and soldiers as heartily as any of those who 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


have aver started out in the Indies. Neces- 
sity knows no law, ard the captains who 
collected the cloth divided it badly, taking 
the best for themselves and their friends and 
soldiers, and leaving the rest for the soldiers, 
and so there began to be some angry mur- 
muring on account of this. Others also com- 
plained because they noticed that some fa- 
vored ones were spared in the work and in 
the watches and received better portions of 
what was divided, both of cloth and mod. 
On this account it is thought that they be- 
gan to say that there was nothing in the 
country of Quivira which was worth return- 
ing for, which was no slight cause of what 
afterward happened, as will be seen. 


After the winter was over, the return to 
Quivira was announced, and the men began 
to prepare the things needed. Since noth- 
ing in this life is at the disposition of men, 
but all is under the ordination of Almighty 
God, it was His will that we should not ac- 
complish this, and so it happened that one 
feast day the general went out on horseback 
to amuse himself, as usual, riding with the 
captain Don Kodrigo Maldonado. He was 
on a powerful horse, and his servants had 

am Google 


put on a new girth, which must have been 
rotten at the time, for it broke during the 
race and he fell over on the side where Don 
Kodrigo was, and as his horse passed over 
him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid 
him at the point of death, and his recovery 
was slow and doubtful 

During this time, while he was in his bed, 
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who had 
started to go to New Spain, came back in 
flight from Suya, because he had found that 
town deserted and the people and horses and 
cattle all dead. When he reached Tiguex 
and learned the sad news that the general 
was near his end, as already related, they did 
not dare to tell him until he had recovered, 
and when he finally got up and learned of 
it, it affected him so much that he had to go 
back to bed again. He may have done this 
in order to bring about what he afterward 
accomplished, as was believed later. 

It was while he was in this condition that 
he recollected what a scientific Mend of his 
in Salamanca had told him, that he would 
become a powerful lord in distant lands, and 
that he would have a fall from which he 
would never be able to recover. This ex- 
pectation of death made him desire to return 
and die where he had a wife and children. 
As the physician and surgeon who was doc- 
toring him, and also acted as a talebearer, 
suppressed the murmurings that were going 
about among the soldiers, he treated secretly 
and underhandedly with several gentlemen 

am Google 


who agreed with him. They set the sol- 
diers to talking about going back to New 
Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and 
induced them to hold consultations about it, 
and had them send papers to the general, 
signed by all the soldiers, through their en- 
signs, asking for this. They all entered into 
it readily, and not much time needed to be 
spent, since many desired it already. When 
they asked him, the general acted as if he 
did not want to do it, but all the gentlemen 
and captains supported them, giving him 
their signed opinions, and as some were in 
this, they could give it at once, and they 
even persuaded others to do the same. 

Thus they made it seem as if they ought 
to return to New Spain, because they had 
not found any riches, nor had they discov- 
ered any settled country out of which estates 
could be formed for all the army. When he 
had obtained their signatures, the return to 
New Spain was at once announced, and since 
nothing can ever be concealed, the double 
dealing began to be understood, and many 
of the gentlemen found that they had been 
deceived and had made a mistake. They 
tried in every way to get their signatures 
back again from the general, who guarded 
them so carefully that he did not go out of 
one room, making his sickness seem very 
much worse, and putting guards about his 
person and room, and at night about the 
floor on which he slept. In spite of all this, 
they stole his chest, and it is said that they 


an, Google 


did not find their signatures in it, because 
he kept them in his mattress; on the other 
hand, it is said that they did recover them. 
They asked the general to give them 60 
picked men, with whom they would remain 
and hold the country until the viceroy could 
Bend them support, or recall them, or else 
that the general would leave them the army 
and pick out 60 men to go back with him. 
But the soldiers did not want to remain 
either way, some because they had turned 
their prow toward New Spain, and others 
because they saw clearly the trouble that 
would arise over who should have the com- 
mand. The gentlemen, I do not know 
whether because they had sworn fidelity or 
because they feared that the soldiers would 
not support them, did what had been decided 
on, although with an ill-will, and from this 
time on they did not obey the general as 
readily as formerly, and they did not show 
any affection for him. He made much of 
the soldiers and humored them, with the 
result that he did what he desired and se- 
cured the return of the whole army. 


We have already stated in the last chap- 
ter that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas came 
back from Suya io flight, having found that 

am Google 


country risen in rebellion. He told how 
and why that town was deserted, which oc- 
curred as I will relate. The entirely worth- 
less fellows were all who had been left in 
that town, the mutinous and seditious men, 
besides a few who were honored with the 
charge of public affairs and who were left to 
govern the others. Thus the bad disposi- 
tions of the worthless secured the power, 
and they held daily meetings and councils 
and declared that they had been betrayed and 
were not going to be rescued, since the others 
had been directed to go through another part 
of the country, where there was a more con- 
venient route to New Spain, which was not 
bo because they were still almost on the 
direct road. This talk led some of them to 
revolt, and they chose one Pedro de Avila as 
their captain. 

They went back to Culiacan, leaving the 
captain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town 
of San Hieronimo, with only a small force. 
He did not have anyone whom he could 
send after them to compel them to return. 
They killed a number of people at several 
villages along the way. Finally they reached 
Culiacan, where Hernando Arias de Saabedra, 
who was waiting for Juan Gallego to come 
back from New Spain with a force, detained 
them by means of promises, so that Gallego 
could take them back. Some who feared 
what might happen to them ran away one 
night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz, 
who had remained at Suya with a small 

sit, Google 


force, sick, was not able to hold his position, 
although he would have liked to, on account 
of the poisonous herb which the natives use. 
When these noticed how weak the Spaniards 
were, they did not continue to trade with, 
them as they formerly had done. Veins of 
gold had already been discovered before this, 
but they were unable to work these, because 
the country was at war. The disturbance 
was so great that they did not cease to keep 
watch and to be more than usually carefuL 

The town was situated on a little river. 
One night all of a sudden they saw fires 
which they were not accustomed to, and on 
this account they doubled the watches, but 
not having noticed anything during the 
whole night, they grew careless along toward 
morning, and the enemy entered the village 
so silently that they were not seen until they 
began to kill and plunder. A number of 
men reached the plain as well as they could, 
but while they were getting out the captain 
was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards 
came back on some horses after they had re- 
covered themselves and attacked the enemy, 
rescuing some, though only a few. The 
enemy went off with the booty, leaving three 
Spaniards killed, besides many of the ser- 
vants and more than twenty horses. 

The Spaniards who survived started off 
the same day on foot, not having any horses. 
They went toward Culiacan, keeping away 
from the roads, and did not find any food 
until they reached Corazones, where the ti- 

ed t, Google 


dians, like the good friends they have always 
been, provided them with food. From here 
they continued to Culiacan, undergoing great 
hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra, the 
mayor, received them and entertained them 
as well as he could until Juan Gallego ar- 
rived with the reinforcements which he was 
conducting, on his way to find the army. 
He was not a little troubled at finding that 
post deserted, when he expected that the 
army would be in the rich country which had 
been described by the Indian called Turk, be- - 
cause he looked like one. 


Of bow Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis re- 
mained in the country and the army prepared to re- 
turn to Mexico. 

When the general, Francisco Vazquez, 
saw that everything was now quiet, and that 
his schemes had gone as he wished, he or- 
dered that everything should be ready to 
start on the return to New Spain by the be- 
ginning of the month of April, in the year 

Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regu- 
lar brother of the lesser order,' and another. 
Friar Luis, a lay brother, told the general 
that they wanted to remain in that country 

am Google 


— Friar Joan de Padilla in Quivira, because 
his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, 
and Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this account, 
as it was Lent at the time, the father made 
this the subject of his sermon to the com- 
panies one Sunday, establishing his proposi- 
tion on the authority of the Holy Scriptures. 
He declared his zeal for the conversion of 
these peoples and his desire to draw them 
to the faith, and Btated that he had received 
permission to do it, although this was not 
necessary. The general sent a company to 
escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar 
Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back 
to Quivira with the guides who had con- 
ducted the general, taking with him the 
Portuguese, as we related, and the half-blood, 
and the Indians from New Spain. He was 
martyred a short time after he arrived there, 
as we related in the second part, chapter 8. 
Thus we may be sure that he died a martyr, 
because his zeal was holy and earnest. 

Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing 
more has been heard about him since, hub 
before the army left Tiguex some men who 
went to take him a number of sheep that 
were left for him to keep, met him as he was 
on his way to visit some other villages, which 
were 15 or 20 leagues from Cicuye, accom- 
panied by some followers. He felt very 
hopeful that he was liked at the village and 
that his teaching would bear fruit, although 
he complained that the old men were falling 
away from him. I, for my part, believe 

iwized t, Google 


that as he wa» a man of good and holy life, 
Our Lord will protect him and give him 
grace to convert many of those peoples, and 
end his days in guiding them in the faith. 
We do not need to believe otherwise, for 
the people in those parts are pious and nob 
at all cruel They are friends, or rather, 
enemies of cruelty, and they remain faithful 
and loyal friends. 1 

1 Gen, W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest 
of Mew Mexico, p. 281, gives the following extract, 
translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa F6: 
" When Corouado returned to Mexico, he left behind 

la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Cam- 
po. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Fadilla and 
the Portuguese set off in search of the country of tlia 
Grand Qui vira, where the former understood there 
were innumerable souls to be saved. After travel- 
ling several days, they reached a large settlement in 
the Qui vira country. The Indians came out to re- 
ceive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing 
their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attend- 
ants to take to flight, while he would await their 
coming, in order that they might vent their fury on 
him as they ran. The former took to flight, and, 
placing themselves on a height within view, saw 
what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their 
coming upon his knees, and when tbey arrived 
where he was tbey Immediately put him to death. 
The same happened to Juan do la Cruz, who was 
left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. 
The Portuguese and his attendants made their es- 
cape, and ultimately arrived safely in Mexico, where 
he told what had occurred. " In reply to a request 
for further information regarding this manuscript, 
General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa 
Fe, a few years ago, he learned that one of hia suc- 
cessors in the post of governor of the territory, hav- 
ing despaired of disposing of the immense mass of 

* J *s and records deposited in his office, 


],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


After the friars had gone, the general, fear- 
ing that they might be injured if people were 
carried away from that country to New 
Spain, ordered the soldiers to let any of the 
natives who were held as servants go free to 
their villages whenever they might wish. In 
my opinion, though I am not sure, it would 
have been better if they had been kept and 
taught among Christians. 

The general was very happy and contented 
when the time arrived and everything needed 
for the journey was ready, and the army 
started from Tignex on its way back to 
Cibola. One thing of no small note hap- 
pened during this part of the trip. The 
horses were in good condition for their work 
when they started, fat and sleek, but more 
than thirty died during the ten days which 
it took to reach Cibola, and there was not a 
day in which two or three or more did not 
die. A large number of them also died 

by the slow process of using tbem to kindle fires, 
had sold the entire lot— an invaluable collection of 
material bearing on the history of the southwest and 
its early European and native inhabitants — as junk. 
When the reports of these martyrdoms reached 
New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired with 
the zeal of entering the country and carrying on the 
work thus begun. Several received official permis- 
sion, and went to the pueblo country. One of them 
was killed at Tiguez. where most of them settled. 
A few went on to CIcuye or Pecos, where they 
found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceed- 
ing to Qulvira, the natives there counselled them 
not to proceed farther. The Indians gave them an 
account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said that 
if he had taken their advice he would not have been 


ligirized I:, G00gk' 


afterward before reaching Culiaean, a thing 
that did not happen during all the rest of 
the journey. 

After the army reached Cibola, it rested 
before starting across the wilderness, because 
this was the last of the settlements in that 
country. The whole country was left well 
disposed and at peace, and several of our In- 
dian allies remained there. 


Leaving astern, as we might say, the set- 
tlements that had been discovered in the new 
laud, of which, as I have said, the seven vil- 
lages of Cibola were the first to be seen and 
the last that were left, the army started off, 
marching across the wilderness. The na- 
tives kept following the rear of the army for 
two or three days, to pick up any baggage 
or servants, for although they were still at 
peace and had always been loyal friends, 
when they saw that we were going to leave 
the country entirely,, they were glad to get 
some of our people in their power, although 
I do not think that they wanted to injure 
them, from what I was told by some who 
were not willing to go back with them when 
they teased and asked them to. Altogether, 
they carried off several people besides those 

sit, Google 


who had remained of their own accord, among 
whom good interpreters could be found 

The wilderness was crossed without oppo- 
sition, and on the second day before reaching 
Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as 
he was coming from New Spain with reen- 
forcementB of men and necessary supplies for 
the army, expecting that he would find the 
army in the country of the Indian called 
Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the 
army was returning, the first thing he said 
was not, "I am glad you are coming back,'' 
and he did not like it any better after he 
had talked with the general. After he had 
reached the army, or rather the quarters, 
there was quite a little movement among 
the gentlemen toward going back with the 
new force which had made no slight exer- 
tions in coming thus far, having encounters 
every day with the Indians of these regions 
who had risen in revolt, as will be related. 
There was talk of making a settlement some- 
where in that region until the viceroy could 
receive an account of what had occurred. 
Those soldiers who* had come from the new 
lands would not agree to anything except the 
return to New Spain, so that nothing came 
of the proposals made at the consultations, 
and although there was some opposition, 
they were finally quieted. Several of the 
mutineers who had deserted the town of Co- 
razones came with Juan Gallego, who had 
given them his word as surety for their 

am Google 


safety, and even if the general had wanted 
to punish them, his power was slight, for he 
had been disobeyed already and was not 
much respected. He began to be afraid 
again after this, and made himself sick, and 
kept a guard. 

In several places yells were heard and 
Indians seen, and some of the horses were 
wounded and killed, before Batuco' was 
reached, where the friendly Indiana from 
Corazones came to meet the army and see 
the general They were always friendly and 
had treated all the Spaniards who passed 
through their country well, furnishing them 
with what food they needed, and men, if 
they needed these. Our men had always 
treated them well and repaid them for these 
things. During this journey the juice of 
the quince was proved to be a good protec- 
tion against the poison of the natives, be- 
cause at one place, several days before reach- 
ing Sefiora, the hostile Indians wounded a 
Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die, 
although the wound of the fresh poison is 
fatal, and there was a delay of over two 
hours before curing him with the juice. 
The poison, however, had left its mark upon 
him. The skin rotted and fell off until it 
left the bones and sinews bare, with a horri- 
ble smell. The wound was in the wrist, 

'There were two settlements in Sonora bearing 
this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the 
other by the Tegul division of the Opata. The 
former village fs the one referred to by Castafieda. 

am Google 


and the poison had reached as far as the 
shoulder when he was cured. The skin on 
all this fell off. 

The army proceeded without taking any 
rest, because the provisions had begun to 
fail by this time. These districts were in 
rebellion, and so there were not any victuals 
where the Holdiers could get them until they 
reached Petlatlan, although they made sev- 
eral forays into the cross country in search 
of provisions. Petlatlan is in the province 
of Culiacan, and on this account was at 
peace, although they had several surprises 
after this. The army rested here several 
days to get provisions. After leaving here 
they were able to travel more quickly than 
before, for the 30 leagues of the valley of 
Culiacan, where they were welcomed back 
again as people who came with their gover- 
nor, who had suffered ill treatment. 


Of how the general started from Culiacan to give 
the viceroy an account of the array with which he 
had been Intrusted. 

It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the 
valley of Culiacan had ended the labors of 
this journey, partly because the general was 
governor there and partly because it was in- 
habited by Christians. On this account 
some began to disregard their superiors and 
the authority which their captains had over 

am Google 


them, and some captains even forgot the 
obedience due to their general. Each one 
played his own game, so that while the 
general was marching toward the town, which 
was still 10 leagues away, many of the men, 
or most of them, left him in order to rest in 
the valley, and some even proposed not to 
follow him. The general understood that 
he was not strong enough to compel them, 
although his position as governor gave him 
fresh authority. He determined to accom- 
plish it by a better method, which was to 
order all the captains to provide food and 
meat from the stores of several villages that 
were under his control as governor. He 
pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, ao 
that those who had any business with him 
could speak to hire or he with them more 
freely, without hindrance or observation, and 
he kept sending for his particular friends in 
order to ask them to be sure to speak to the 
soldiers and encourage them to accompany 
him back to New Spain, and to tell them 
that he would request the viceroy, Don An- 
tonio de Mendoza, to show them especial 
favor, and that he would do so himself for 
those who might wish to remain in his gov- 
ernment. After this had been done, he 
started with his army at a very bad time, 
when the rains were beginning, for it was 
about Saint John's day, at which season it 
rains continuously. 

In the uninhabited country which they 

passed through as far as Compostela there 


am Google 


are numerous very dangerous rivers, full of 
large and fierce alligators. While the army 
was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier 
who was crossing from one side to the other 
was seized, in sight of everybody, and car- 
ried off by an alligator without it being pos- 
sible to help bim. The general proceeded, 
leaving the men who did not want to follow 
bim all along the way, and reached Mexico 
with less than 100 men. He made his re- 
port to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Men- 
doza, who did not receive him very gra- 
ciously, although he gave him his discharge. 
His reputation was gone from this time on. 
He kept the government of New Galicia, 
n, which had been entrusted to him, for only a 
short time, when the viceroy took it himself, 
until the arrival of the court, or audiencia, 
which still governs it. And this was the 
end of those discoveries and of the expedi- 
tion which was made to these new lands. 

It now remains for us to describe the way 
in which to enter the country by a more 
direct route, although there is never a short 
cut without hard work. It is always best 
to find out what those know who have pre- 
pared the way, who know what will be 
needed. This can be found elsewhere, and 
I will now tell where Quivira lies, what di- 
rection the army took, and the direction in 
which Greater India lies, which was what 
they pretended to be in search of, when the 
army started thither. Today, since Villalo- 
bos has discovered that this part of the coast 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


of the South sea trends toward the west, it 
is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since 
we were in the north, we ought to have 
turned to the west instead of toward the 
east, as we did. With this, we will leave 
this subject and will proceed to finish this 
treatise, since there are several noteworthy 
things of which I must give an account, 
which I have left to be treated more exten- 
sively in the two following chapters. 


Of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while 
he was bringing reenf orcements through the revolted 

One might well have complained when 
in the last chapter I passed in silence over 
the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with 
his 20 companions. I will relate them in 
the present chapter, so that in times to come 
those who read about it or tell of it may 
have a reliable authority on whom to rely. 
I am not writing fables, like some of the 
things which we read about nowadays in the 
books of chivalry. If it were not that those 
stories contained enchantments, there are 
some things which our Spaniards have done 
in our own day in these parts, in their con- 
quests and encounters with the Indians, 
which, for deeds worthy of admiration, sur- 
pass not only the books already mentioned, 
nut also those which have been written 

am Google 


about the twelve peers of France, because, if 
the deadly strength which the authors of 
those times attributed to their heroes and 
the brilliant and resplendent anna with 
which they adorned them, are fully consid- 
ered, and compared with the small stature 
of the men of our time and the few and poor 
weapons which they have in these parts, 1 
the remarkable things which our people have 
undertaken and accomplished with such 
weapons are more to be wondered at today 
than those of which the ancients write, and 
just because, too, they fought with barbar- 
ous naked people, as ours have with Indians, 
among whom there are always men who are 
brave and valiant and very sure bowmen, 
for we have seen them pierce the wings while 
flying, and hit hares while running after 
them. I have said all this in order to show 
that some things which we consider fables 
may be true, because we see greater things 
every day in our own times, just as in future 
times people will greatly wonder at the deeds 
of Don Fernando Cortez, who dared to go 
into the midst of New Spain with 300 men 
against the vast number of people in Mexico, 
and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in 
subduing it, and made himself lord over it 
in two years. 

The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in 

1 The letters of Mendoza during the early part of 
his administration in Mexico repeatedly call atten- 
tion to the lack of arms and ammunition among the 
Spaniards in the New World. 

an, Google 


the conquest of Guatemala, and those of 
Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the 
mainland and of Peru, were all such as to 
make me remain silent concerning what I 
now wish to relate ; but since I have prom- 
ised to give an account of what happened 
on this journey, I want the things I am now 
going to relate to be known as well as those 
others of which I have spoken. 

The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached 
the town of Culiacan with a very small force. 
There he collected as many as he could of 
those who had escaped from the town of 
Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, which 
made in all 22 men, and with these he 
inarched through all of the settled country, 
across which he traveled 200 leagues with 
the country in a state of war and the people 
in rebellion, although they had formerly been 
friendly toward the Spaniards, having en- 
counters with the enemy almost every day. 
He always marched with the advance guard, 
leaving two-thirds of his force behind with 
the baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, 
and without any of the Indian allies whom 
he had with him, he forced his way into 
their villages, killing and destroying and 
setting them on fire, coming upon the enemy 
so suddenly and with such quickness and 
boldness that they did not have a chance to 
collect or even to do anything at all, until 
they became so afraid of him that there was 
not a town which dared wait for him, but 
they fled before him as from a powerful 

am Google 


army; so much so, that for ten days, while 
be was passing through the settlements, they 
did not have an hour's rest. 

He did all this with hia seven compan- 
ions, so that when the rest of the force came 
up with the baggage there was nothing for 
'-hem to do except to pillage, since the others 
had already killed ana captured all the peo- 
ple they could lay their hands on and the 
rest had fled. They did not pause any- 
where, so that although the villages ahead 
of him received some warning, they were 
upon them so quickly that they did not have 
a chance to collect. Especially in the region 
where the town of Hearts had been, he killed 
and hung a large number of people to pun- 
ish them for their rebellion. He did not 
lose a companion during all this, nor was 
anyone wounded, except one soldier, who 
was wounded in the eyelid by an Tndinn 
who was almost dead, whom he was strip- 
ping. The weapon broke the skin and, as it 
was poisoned, be would have had to die if he 
had not oeen saved by the quince juice ; he 
lost his eye as it was. 

These deeds of theirs were such that I 
know those people will remember them as 
long as they live, and especially four or five 
friendly Indians who went with them from 
Corazones, who thought that they were so 
wonderful that they held them to be some- 
thing divine rather than human. If he had 
not fallen in with our army as he did, they 
would have reached the country of the In- 

am Google 


dian called Turk, which they expected to 
march to, and they would have arrived there 
without danger on account of their good 
order and the skill with which he was lead- 
ing them, and their knowledge and ample 
practice in war. Several of these men are 
still in this town of Culiacan, where I am 
now writing this account and narrative, 
where they, as well as I and the others who 
Lave remained in this province, have never 
lacked for labor in keeping this country 
quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in 
poverty and need, and more than ever at the 
present hour, because the country is poorer 
and more in debt than ever before. 


My silence was not without mystery and 
dissimulation when, in chapter 7 of the 
second part of this book, I spoke of the 
plains and of the things of which I will give 
a. detailed account in this chapter, where all 
these things may be found together; for 
these things were remarkable and something 
not seen in other parts. I dare to write of 
them because I am writing at a time when 
many men are still living who saw them 
and who will vouch for my account. Who 
could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of 
our cows and more than 5,000 rams and 

sit, Google 


ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians 
and servants, in traveling over those plains, 
would leave no more trace where they had 
passed than if nothing had been there — 
nothing — bo that it was necessary to make 
piles of bones and cow dung now and then, 
so that the rear guard could follow the army. 
The grass never failed to become erect after 
it had been trodden down, and, although it 
was short, it was as fresh and straight as be- 

Another thing was a heap of eow bones, 
a crossbow shot long, or a very little leas, 
almost twice a man's height in places, and 
some 18 feet or more wide, which was found 
on the edge of a salt lake in the southern 
part, and this in a region where there are no 
people who could have made it. The only 
explanation of this which could be suggested 
was that the waves which the north winds 
must make in the lake had piled up the 
bones of the cattle which had died in the 
lake, when the old and weak ones who went 
into the water were unable to get out. The 
noticeable thing is the number of cattle that 
would be necessary to make such a pile of 

Now that I wish to describe the appear- 
ance of the bulls, it i3 to be noticed first that 
there was not one of the horses that did not 
take flight when he saw them first, for they 
have a narrow, short face, the brow two 
palms across from eye to eye, the eyes stick- 
ing out at the side, so that, when they are 

HijiNzsi i,, Google 


running, the; can see who is following them. 
They have very long beards, like goats, and 
when they are running they throw their 
beads back with the beard dragging on the 
ground. There is a sort of girdle round the 
middle of the body. The hair is very woolly, 
like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of the 
girdle the hair is very long and rough like a 
lion's. They have a great hump, larger than 
a camel's. The horns are short and thick, 
so that they are not seen much above the 
hair. In May they change the hair in the 
middle of the body for a down, which makes 
perfect lions of them. They rub against the 
small trees in the little ravines to shed their 
hair, and they continue this until only the 
down is left, as a snake changes his skin. 
They have a short tail, with a bunch of hair 
at the end. When they run, they carry it 
erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing 
that the little calves are red and just like 
ours, but they change their color and appear- 
ance with time and age. 

Another strange thing was that all the 
bulls that were killed had their left ears slit, 
although these were whole when young. 
The reason for this was a puzzle that could 
not be guessed, The wool ought to make 
good cloth on account of its fineness, al- 
though the color ia not good, because it is 
the color of buriel. 1 

1 The kersey, or coarse woollen cloth out of which 
the habits of the Franciscan friars were made. 
Hence the name, grey friars. 

am Google 


Another thing worth noticing is that the 
bulls traveled without cows in such large 
numbers that nobody could have counted 
them, and so far away from the cows that it 
was more than 40 leagues from where we 
began to see the bulls to the place where we 
began to see the cows. The country they 
traveled over was so level and smooth that 
if one looked at them the sky could be seen 
between their legs, bo that if some of them 
were at a distance they looked like smooth- 
trunked pines whose tops joined, and if there 
was only one bull it looked as if there were 
iour pines. When one was near them, it 
was impossible to see the ground on the 
other Bide of them. The reason for all this 
was that the country seemed as round as if a 
man should imagine himself in a three-pint 
measure, and could see the sky at the edge 
of it, about a crossbow shot from him, and 
even if a man only lay down on his back he 
lost sight of the ground. 1 

I have not written about other things 
which were Been nor made any mention of 
them, because they were not of so much 
importance, although it does not seem right 
for me to remain silent concerning the fact 
that they venerate the sign of the cross in 
the region where the settlements have high 
houses. For at a spring which was in the 
plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms 

am Google 

fol. xxvii., venw (ed. 1555). 


high and as thick as a finger, made of wood 
with a square twig for its crosapiece, and 
many little sticks decorated with feathers 
around it, and numerous withered flowers, 
which were the offerings. 1 In a graveyard 
outside the village at Tutahaco there ap- 
peared to have been a recent burial. Near 
the head there was another cross made of 
two little sticks tied with cotton thread, and 
dry withered flowers. It certainly seems to 
me that in some way they must have re- 
ceived some light from the cross of Our 
Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by 
way of India, from whence they proceeded. 


Which treats of the direction which the army 
took, and of how another more direct way might be 
found, if anyone was to return to that country. 

I test much wish that I possessed some 
knowledge of cosmography or geography, so 
as to render what I wish to say intelligible, 
and so that I could reckon up or measure 
the advantage those people who might go in 
search of that country would have if they 
went directly through the center of the 

■Scattered through the papers of Br. J. Walter 
Fewkes on the Zuni and Tusayan Indians will he 
found many descriptions of the pahoH or prayer 
sticks and other forms used as offerings at the 
shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner 
of making the offerings. 


am Google 


country, instead of following the road the 
army took. However, with the help of 
the favor of the Lord, I will state it as 
well as I can, making it as plain as pos- 

It is, I think, already understood that the 
Portuguese, Campo, was the soldier who 
escaped when Friar Juan de Fadilla was 
killed at Quivira, and that he finally reached 
New Spain from Panuco, 1 having traveled 
across the plains country until he came to 
cross the North Sea mountain chain, keep- 
ing the country that Don Hernando de Soto 
discovered all the time on his left band, 
since he did not see the river of the Holy 
Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at alL* After he had 
crossed the North Sea mountains, he found 
that he was in Panuco, so that if 'he had not 
tried to go to the North sea, he would have 
come out in the neighborhood of the border 

1 The northeastern province of New Spain. 

* The conception or the great Inland plain stretch- 
ing between the great takes at the head of the St. 
Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico ( 

which follow the Atlantic coast along the gulf coast 
as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that 
all the expeditions which started inland from Flori- 
da found mountains. Coronado's journey to Qui- 
vira added but little to the detailed geographical 
knowledge of America. The name reached Europe, 
and it Is found on the maps, alongihe fortieth paral- 
lel, almost everywhere from the Pacific coast to the 
neighborhood of a western tributary to the St. Law- 
rence system. Bee the maps reproduced herein. 
CastaOeda could have aided them considerably, but 
the map makers did not know of his book. 

am Google 


land, or the country of the Sacatecas,' of 
which we now have some knowledge. 

This way would be somewhat better and 
more direct for anyone going back there in 
search of Quivira, since some of those who 
came with the Portuguese are still in New 
Spain to serve as guides. Nevertheless, I 
think it would be best to go through, the 
country of the Guachichules, keeping near 
the South Sea mountains all the time, for 
there are more settlements and a food supply, 
for it would be suicide to launch out on to 
the plains country, because it is so vast and 
is barren of anything to eat, although, it is 
true, there would not be much need of this 
after coining to the cows. 

This is only when one goes in search of 
Quivira, and of the villages which were 
described by the Indian called Turk, for the 
army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado went 
the very farthest way round to get there, 
since they started from Mexico and went 
110 leagues to the west, and then 100 
leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the 
north, and all this brought them as far as 
the ravines where the cowa were, and after 
traveling 850 leagues they were not more 

' Captain John Stevens' Dictionary says that thig 
Is "a northern province of North America, rich In sil- 
ver mines, but ill provided with water, grain, and 
Other substances; yet by reason of the mines there 
are seven or eight Spanish towns in it." Zacatecas 
is now one of the central states of the Mexican con- 
federation, being south of Coahuila and southeast 
of Durango. 

an, Google 


than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a 
direct route. If one desires to go to the 
country of Tiguex, bo as to turn from there 
toward the west in search of the country of 
India, he ought to follow the road taken by 
the army, for there is no other, even if one 
wished to go by a different way, because the 
arm of the sea which reaches into this coast 
toward the north does not leave room for 
any. But what might be done is to have 
a fleet and cross this gulf and disem- 
bark in the neighborhood of the Island of 
Negroes ' and enter the country from there, 
crossing the mountain chains in search of 
the country from which the people at 
Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same 

As for entering from the country of Florida 
and from the North sea, it has already been 
observed that the many expeditions which 
have been undertaken from that side have 
been unfortunate and not very successful, 
because that part of the country is full of 
bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the 
very worst country that is warmed by the 
sun. But they might disembark after pass- 
ing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Her- 
nando de Soto did. Nevertheless, despite 
the fact that I underwent much labor, I still 
think that the way I went to that country 

1 Apparently the location of this Island gradually 
drifted westward with the increase of geographical 
knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philip- 
pine group. 

an, Google 


is the best. There ought to be river courses, 
because the necessary supplies can be carried 
oil these more easily in large quantities. 
Horses are the most necessary things in the 
new countries, and they frighten the enemy 
most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by 
those who do not know how to use it. A 
piece of heavy artillery would be very good 
for settlements like those which Francisco 
Vazquez Coronado discovered, in order to 
knock them down, because he had nothing 
but some small machines for slinging and 
nobody skillful enough to make a catapult or 
some other machine which would frighten 
them, which is very necessary. 

I say, then, that with what we now know 
about the trend of the coast of the South sea, 
which has been followed by the ships which 
explored the western part, and what is known 
of the North sea toward Norway, the coast 
of which extends up from Florida, those 
who now go to discover the country which 
Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach the 
country of Cibola or of Tiguei, will know 
the direction in which they ought to go in 
order to discover the true direction of the 
country which the Marquis of the Valley, 
Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find, follow- 
ing the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand 
(Tizon) river. This will suffice for the con- 
clusion of our narrative. Everything else 
rests on the powerful Lord of all things, 
God Omnipotent, who knows how and 
when these lands will be discovered and 

am Google 


for whom He has guarded this good for- 

Laus Deo. 

Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of 
October, 1596, in Seville. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 

APRIL 17, I540. 1 

S. C. C. M. : 

I wrote to Your Majesty from Compostela 
the last of February, giving you an account 
of my arrival there and of the departure of 
Francisco Vazquez with the force which I 
sent to pacify and settle in the newly dis- 
covered country, and of how the warden, 
Lope de Samaniego, was going as army mas- 
ter, both because he was a responsible person 
and a very good Christian, and because he 
haa had experience in matters of this sort; 
as Tour Majesty had desired to know. And 
the news which I have received since then 
is to the effect that after they had passed the 
uninhabited region of Guluacan and were 
approaching Chiametla, the warden went off 
with some horsemen to find provisions, and 
one of the soldiers who was with him, who 
had strayed from the force, called out that 
they were killing him. The warden has- 
tened to his assistance, and they wounded 
him in the eye with an arrow, from which 

n the opening sentence is not known to 

am Google 


he died. In regard to the fortress, 1 besides 
the fact that it is badly built and going to 
pieces, it seems to me that the cost of it is 
excessive, and that Tour Majesty could do 
without the moat of it, because there is one 
man who takes charge of the munitions and 
artillery, and an armorer to repair it, and a 
gunner, and as this is the way it was under 
the audiencia, before the fortresses were 
made conformable to what I have written 
to Your Majesty, we can get along without 
the rest, because that fortress was built on 
account of the brigantines, and not for any 
other purpose.* And as the lagoon is so dry 
that it can do no good in this way for the 
present, I think that, for this reason, the cost 
is superfluous. I believe that it will have 
fallen in before a reply can come from Your 

Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty 
that I had ordered MelcMor Diaz, who was 
in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to 
take some horsemen and see if the account 
given by the father. Friar Marcos, agreed 
with what he could discover. He set out 
from Culuacan with fifteen horsemen, the 
17th of November last. The 20th of this 
present March I received a letter from him, 
which he sent me by Juan de Zaldyvar and 

1 Presumably the fortress of which Bamaniego was 

'Buckingham Smith's Florida gives many docu- 
ments relating to the damage done by French brig- 
antines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540-41. 

ligirized I:, G00gk 


throe other horsemen. In this he says that 
after he left Culuacan and crossed the river 
of Petatlan he was everywhere very well re- 
ceived by the Indians. The way he did was 
to send a cross to the place where he was 
going to stop, because this was a sign which 
the Indians received with deep veneration, 
making a house out of mats in which to place 
it, and somewhat away from this they made 
a lodging for the Spaniards, and drove stakes 
where they could tie the horses, and supplied 
fodder for them, and abundance of corn 
wherever they had it. They say that they 
suffered from hunger in many places, because 
it had been a bad year. After going 100 
leagues from Culuacan, he began to find the 
country cold, with severe frosts, and the 
farther he went on the colder it became, until 
he reached a point where some Indians whom 
he had with him were frozen, and two Span- 
iards were in great danger. Seeing this, he 
decided not to go any farther until the win- 
ter was over, and to send back, by those whom 
I mentioned, an account of what he had 
learned concerning Cibola and the country 
beyond, which is as follows, taken literally 
from his letter : 

" I have given Tour Lordship an account 
of what happened to me along the way ; and 
seeing that it is impossible to cross the un- 
inhabited region which stretches from here 
to Cibola, on account of the heavy snows 
and the cold, I will give Tour Lordship an 
account of what I have learned about Cibola, 

am Google 


which I have ascertained by asking many 
persons who have beea there fifteen and 
twenty year8; and I have secured this in 
many different ways, taking some Indians 
together and others separately, and on com- 
parison they all seem to agree in what they 
say. After crossing this large wilderness, 
there are seven places, being a short day's 
march from one to another, all of which are 
together called Cibola. The houses are of 
stone and mud, coarsely worked. They are 
made in this way : One large wall, and afc 
each end of this wall some rooms are built, 
partitioned off 20 feet square, according to 
the description they give, which are planked 
with square beams. Most of the houses are 
reached from the flat roofs, using their lad- 
ders to go to the streets. The houses have 
three and four stories. They declare that 
there are few having two stories. The stories 
are mostly half as high again as a man, ex- 
cept the first one, which is low, and only a 
little more than a man's height. One lad- 
der is used to communicate with ten or twelve 
houses together. They make use of the low 
ones and live in the highest ones. In the 
lowest ones of all they have some loopholes 
made sideways, as in the fortresses of Spain. 
The Indians say that when these people are 
attacked, they station themselves in their 
houses and fight from there ; and that when 
they go to make war, they carry shields and 
wear leather jackets, which are made of 
cows' hide, colored, and that they fight with 



arrows and with a sort of stone maul and 
with some other weapons made of sticks, 
which I have not been able to make out. 
They eat human flesh, and they keep those 
whom they capture in war as slaves. There 
are many fowls in the country, tame. They 
have much corn and beans and melons 
[squashes] . In their houses they keep some 
hairy animals, like the large Spanish hounds, 
which they shear, and they make long col- 
ored wigs from the hair, like this one which 
I send to Your Lordship, which they wear, 
and they also put this same stuff in the cloth 
which they make. 1 The men are of small 
stature [plate lxii'J ; the women are light 
colored and of good appearance, and they 
wear shirts or chemises which reach down 
to their feet. They wear their hair on each 
aide done up in a sort of twist [plate lxiii], 
which leaves the ears outside, in which they 
hang many turquoises, as well as on their 
necks and on the wrists of their arms. The 
clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this 
the akin of a cow, like the one which Cabeza 
de Yaca and Dorantea brought, which Your 
Lordship saw; they wear caps' on their 
heads ; in summer they wear shoes made of 

1 In lils paper on the Human Bonos of the Hemen- 
way Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy 
of Sciences, vi., p. 106 etseq.), Dr. Washington Mat- 
thews discusses the possible former existence of a 
variety of the llama In certain parts of the aouth- 

* The headbands are doubtless here referred to. 

am Google 


pointed or colored akin, and high buskins in 

"They were also unable to tell me of any 
metal, nor did they say that they had it. 
They have turquoises in quantity, although 
not so many as the father provincial said. 
They have some little stone crystals, like 
this which I send to Your Lordship, of which 
Your Lordship has seen many here in New- 
Spain. They cultivate the ground in the 
same way as in New Spain. They carry 
things on their heads, as in Mexico. The 
men weave cloth and spin cotton. They 
have salt from a marshy lake, which is two 
days from the province of Cibola. 1 The 
Indians have their dances and songs, with 
some flutes which have holes on which to 
put the fingers. They make much noise. 
They sing in unison with those who play, 
and those who sing clap their hands in our 
fashion. One of the Indians that accom- 
panied the negro Esteban, who had been a 
captive there, saw the playing as they prac- 
ticed it, and others singing as I have said, 
although not very vigorously. They say 
that five or six play together, and that some 
of the flutes are better than others.' They 
say the country is good for corn and beans, 
and that they do not have any fruit trees, 

1 The same salt lake from which the Zufiis obtain 
their salt supply to-day. 

* Compare with this hearsay description of some- 
thing almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thor- 
oughly scientific descriptions of tlicHopi dancesand 
ceremonials recorded by Dr. J. Walter Few kes. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


nor do they know what such a thing is.* 
They have very good mountains. The 
country lacks water. They do not raise cot- 
ton, but bring it from Totonteac* They eat 
out of flat bowls, like the Mexicans. They 
raise considerable corn and beans and other 
similar things. They do not know what sea 
fish is, nor have they ever heard of it. I 
have not obtained any information about the 
cows, except that these are found beyond the 
province of Cibola. There is a great abun- 
dance of wild goats, of the color of bay horses; 
there are many of these here where I am, 
and although I have asked the Indians if 
those are like these, they tell me no. Of 
the seven settlements, they describe three of 
them as very large ; four not so big. They 
describe them, as I understand, to be about 
three crossbow shots square for each place, 
and from what the IndianB say, and their 
descriptions of the houses and their size, and 

1 The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and 
grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pue- 
blos, were introduced early in the seventeenth cen- 
tury by the Spanish missionaries. 

* At first glance it seems somewhat strange that 
although Zufil is considerably more than 100 miles 
south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, the people of the 
former villages did not cultivate cotton, but In this 
I am reminded by Mr. Hodge that part of the Tu- 
sayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin 
and that in all probability they Introduced cotton 
into that group of villages. The Pimas raised 
cotton as late as 1850. Hone of the Pueblos now 
cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fab- 
rics by traders having doubtless brought the indus- 
try to an end. 


am Google 


as these are close together, and considering 
that there are people in each house, it ought 
to make a large multitude. Totonteac is 
declared to be seven short days from the 
province of Cibola, and of the same sort of 
houses and people, and they say that cotton 
grows there. I doubt this, because they 
tell me that it is a cold country. They say 
that there are twelve villages, every one of 
which is larger than the largest at Cibola. 
They also tell me that there is a village which 
is one day from Cibola, and that the two are 
at war.' They have the same sort of houses 
and people and customs. They declare this 
to he greater than any of those described; I 
take it that there is a great multitude of 
people there. They are very well known, 
on account of having these houses and abun- 
dance of food and turquoises. I have not 
been able to learn more than what I have 
related, although, as I have said, I have had 
with me Indians who have lived there fifteen 
and twenty years. 

"The death of Esteban the negro took 
place in the way the father, Friar Marcos, 
described it to your lordship, and so I do 
not make a report of it here, except that the 
people at Cibola sent word to those of this 
village and in its neighborhood that if any 

1 Doubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) men- 
tioned by Marco3 de Niza. This village was situ- 
ated near the salt lake and had been destroyed by 
the Zufiia some years before Niza visited New Meii- 

a ii, Google 


Christians should come, they ought cot to 
consider them as anything peculiar, and 
ought to kill them, because they were mortal 
— saying that they had learned this because 
they kept the bonea of the one who had 
come there ; and that, if they did not dare to 
do this, they should send word so that those 
(at Cibola) could come and do it. I can 
very easily believe that all this has taken 
place, and that there has been some commu- 
nication between these places, because of the 
coolness with which they received us and 
the sour faces they have shown us." 

Melchior Diaz says that the people whom 
he found along the way do not have any set- 
tlements at all, except in one valley which 
is 150 leagues from Culuacan, which is well 
settled and has houses with lofts, and that 
there are many people along the way, but 
that they are not good for anything except 
to make them Christians, as if this was of 
small account. May Your Majesty remem- 
ber to provide for the service of God, and 
keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life 
and of provinces which has taken place in 
these Indies. And, moreover, up to this 
present day none of the things Your Majesty 
has commanded, which have been very holy 
and good, have been attended to, nor priests 
provided, either for that country or for this. 
For I assure Your Majesty that there is no 
trace of Christianity where they have not 
yet arrived, neither little nor much, and 
that the poor people are ready to receive the 

am Google 


priests and coma to them even when they 
flee from ub like deer in the mountains. 
And I state this because I am an eyewitness, 
and I have seen it clearly during this trip. 
I have importuned Your Majesty for friars, 
and yet again I can not cease doing it much 
more, because unless this be done I can not 
accomplish that which I am bound to do. 

After I reach Mexico, I will give Your 
Majesty an account of everything concern- 
ing these provinces, for while I should like 
to do it today, I can not, because I am very 
weak from a slow fever which I caught in 
Colima, which attacked me very severely, 
although it did not last more than six days. 
It has pleased Our Lord to make me well 
already, and I have traveled here to Jacona, 
where I am. 

May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic 
Csesarian person of Your Majesty and ag- 
grandize it with increase of bettor kingdoms 
and lordships, as we your servants desire. 

Ttom Jacona, April 17, 1540. 

S. C. C. M. 

Your Holy Majesty's humble servant, who> 
salutes your royal feet and hands, 

I). Antonio de Mendoza- 

am Google 

AUGUST 3, 1540' 

The Account Given bt Fbancisco Vazquez 
db coronado, c attain -general op the 
Force which was sent in the Name 
of His Majesty to the Newly Dis- 
covered Country, of What Happened 
to the Expedition after April 22 of 
the Year MDXL, when He Started 
Forward from Culiacan, and of What 
He Found in the Country through 
Which He Passed. 


Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with hfa 
army, and after suffering various inconveniences on 
account of the badness of the way, reaches the Val- 
ley of Hearts, where he failed to find any com, to 
Srocure which he sends to the valley called SeEora. 
le receives an account of the important Valley of 
Hearts and of the people there, and of some land* 
lying along that coast. 

On the 22d of the month of April last, I 
set out from the province of Culiacan with 
a part of the army, having made the arrange- 

' Translated from the Italian version, in Ramusio'a 
Viaggi, vol. iii., fol. 858 (ed. 1556). There is another 
English translation in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii., 
p. 878 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt's translation Is reprinted 
in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 30. The 
proper names, excepting such as are properly trans- 
lated, are spelled as in the Italian text 

am Google 


rnente of which I wrote to Tour Lordship. 
Judging by the outcome, I feel sure that 
it waa fortunate that I did not Btart the 
whole of the army on this undertaking, be- 
cause the labors have been so very great and 
the lack of food such that I do not believe 
this undertaking could have been completed 
before the end of this year, and that there 
would be a great loss of life if it should be 
accomplished. For, as I wrote to Your 
Lordship, I spent eighty days in traveling to 
Guliacan, 1 daring which time I and the gen- 
tlemen of my company, who were horsemen, 
carried on our backs and on our horses a lit- 
tle food, in such wise that after leaving this 
place none of us carried any necessary effects 
weighing more than a pound. For all this, 
and although we took all possible care and 
forethought of the small supply of provisions 
which we carried, it gave out. And this is 
not to be wondered at, because the road is 
rough and long, and what with our harque- 
buses, which had to be carried up the moun- 
tains and hills and in the passage of the 
rivers, the greater part of the corn was lost. 
And since I send Your Lordship a drawing 
of this route, I will say no more about it 

1 This statement li probably not correct. It may 
"be due to a blunder by Bamusio in translating from 
the original text. Eighty days would be nearly the 
time which Coronado probably spent on the journey 
from Culiacan to Cibola, and this interpretation 
would render the rest of the sentence much more in- 


sit, Google 


Thirty leagues before reaching the place 
which the father provincial spoke so well of 
in his report, 1 I sent Melchior Diaz forward 
with fifteen horsemen, ordering him to make 
bnt one day's journey out of two, so that 
he could examine everything there before I 
arrived. He traveled through some very 
rough mountains for four days, and did not 
find anything to live on, nor people, nor in- 
formation about anything, except that he 
found two or three poor villages, with twenty 
or thirty huts apiece. From the people 
here he learned that there was nothing to be 
found in the country beyond except the 
mountains, which continued very rough, en- 
tirely uninhabited by people. And, because 
this was labor lost, I did not want to send 
Tour Lordship an account of it. The whole 
company felt disturbed at this, that a thing 
so much praised, and about which the father 
had said so many things, should be found 
so very different; and they began to think 
that all the rest would be of the same sort. 

When I noticed this, I tried to encourage 
them as well as I could, telling them that 
Tour Lordship had always thought that this 
part of the trip would be a waste of effort, 
and that we ought to devote our attention to 
those Seven Cities and the other provinces 
about which we had information—that these 
should be the end of our enterprise. With 
this resolution and purpose, we all marched 

am Google 


cheerfully along a very bad way, where it 
was impossible to pass without making a 
new road or repairing the one that was there, 
which troubled the soldiers not a little, con- 
sidering that everything which the friar had 
said was found to be quite the reverse ; be- 
cause, among other things which the father 
had said and declared, he said that the way 
would be plain and good, and that there 
would be only one small hill of about half a 
league. And the truth is, that there are 
mountains where, however well the path 
might be fixed, they could not be crossed 
without there being great danger of the 
horses falling over them. And it was so 
bad that a large number of the animals 
which Your Lordship sent as provision for 
the army were lost along this part of the 
way, on account of the roughness of the 
rocks. The lambs and wethers lost their 
hoofs along the way, and I left the greater 
part of those which I brought from Culiacan 
at the river of Lachimi, 1 because they were 
unable to travel, and so that they might pro- 
ceed more slowly. 

Four horsemen remained with them, who 
have just arrived. They have not brought 
more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers ; the rest 
died from the toil, although they did not 
travel more than two leagues daily. I 
reached the Valley of Hearts at la3t, on the 
26th day of the month of May, and rested 

1 Doubtless the Yaquimi or Yaqui river. 

sit, Google 





there a number of days. Between Culiacan 
and this place I could sustain myself only 
by means of a large supply of corn bread, 
because I had to leave all the corn, as it was 
not yet ripe. In this Valley of Hearts we 
found more people than in any part of the 
country which we had left behind, and a 
large extent of tilled ground. There was no 
corn for food among them, but as I heard . 
that there was some in another valley called 
Senora, which I did not wish to disturb by 
force, I sent Melchior Diaz with goods to 
exchange for it, bo as to give this to the 
friendly Indians whom we brought with ub, 
and to some who had lost their animals, 
along the way and had not been able to 
carry the food which they had taken from 
Culiacan. By the favor of Our Lord, soma 
little corn was obtained by this trading, 
which relieved the friendly Indians and 
some SpaniardB. Ten or twelve of the 
horses had died of overwork by the time that 
we reached this Valley of Hearts, because 
they were unable to stand the strain of carry- 
ing heavy burdens and eating little. Some 
of our negroes and some of the Indians also 
died here, which was not a alight loss for 
the rest of the expedition. They told me 
that the Valley of Hearts is a long five-days' 
journey from the western sea. I sent to< 
summon Indians from the coast in order to 
learn about their condition, and while I was. 
waiting for these the horses rested. I stayed 
there four days, during which the Indians 

am Google 


came from the sea, who told me that there 
were seven or eight islands two days' journey 
from that seacoast, directly opposite, well 
populated with people, but poorly supplied 
with food, and the people were savages. 1 
They told me they bad seen a ship pass 
not very far from the land. I do not know 
whether to think that it was the one which 
was sent to discover the country, or perhaps 
some Portuguese.* 


They come to Chichiltlcale,- after having taken 
two days' rest, they enter a countrv containing very 
little food and hard to travel for 80 leagues, beyond 
which the country becomes pleasant, and there is a 
river called the River of the Flax (del\Lino) ; they 
light against the Indiana, being attacked by these; 
and having by their victory secured the city, they 
relieve themselves of the pangs of their bun&er. 

I set out from the Hearts and kept rtuar 
the seacoast as well as I could judge, but iR 
fact I found myself continually farther off, 
so that when I reached Chichilticale I found 1 - 
that I was fifteen days' journey distant from 
the sea, although the father provincial had 

1 These were doubtless the Bcri, of Yuman stock, 
who occupied a strip of the Qulf coast between lati- 
tude 38" and 28° and the islands Angel de la Guardia 
and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the 
coast of the adjacent mainland, Is still inhabited by 
this trihe. 

* As Indian news goes, there Is no reason why this 

may not have been one of Ulloa's ships, which sailed 

along this coast during the previous summer. It 

can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon's fleet 


am Google 


said that it was only 5 leagues distant and 
that he had seen it. We all became very 
distrustful, and felt great anxiety and dis- 
may to see that everything was the reverse 
of what he had told Your Lordship. The 
Indians of Chichilticale say that when they 
go to the sea for fish, or for anything else 
that they need, they go across the country, 
and that it takes them ten days ; and this 
information which I have received from the 
Indians appears to me to be true. The sea 
turns toward the west directly opposite the 
Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned 
that the ships of Your Lordship had been 
seen, which had gone in search of the port 
of Chichilticale, which the father said was 
on the thirty-fifth degree. 

Ood knows what I have suffered, because 
I fear that they may have met with some 
mishap. If they follow the coast, as they 
said they would, as long as the food lasts 
which they took with them, of which I left 
them a supply in Culiacan, and if they have 
not been overtaken by some misfortune, I 
maintain my trust in God that they have 
already discovered something good, for which 
the delay which they have made may be 
pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichil- 
ticale, and there was good reason for staying 
• longer, because we found that the horses 
\ were becoming so tired ; but there was no 
; chance to rest longer, because the food was 
I giving out. I entered the borders of the 
. wilderness region on Saint John's eve, and, 
V 165 

sit, Google 


for a change from our past labors, we found 
no grass during the first days, but a worse 
way through mountains and more dangerous 
passages than we had experienced previously. 
The horses were so tired that they were not 
equal to it, so that in this last desert we lost 
more horses than before ; and some Indian 
allies and a Spaniard called Spinosa, besides 
two negroes, died from eating some herbs 
because the food had given out. 

I sent the army -master, Don Garcia Lopez 
de Cardenas, with 15 horsemen, a day's 
march ahead of me, in order to explore the 
country and prepare the way, which he ac- 
complished lake the man that he is, and 
agreeably to the confidence which Your Lord- 
ship has had in him. I am the more certain 
that he did so, because, as X have said, the 
way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and 
more, through impassable mountains. But 
when we had passed these 30 leagues, we 
found fresh rivers and grass like that of Cas- 
tile, and especially one sort like what we 
call Scaramoio ; many nut and mulberry 
trees, but the leaves of the nut trees are dif- 
ferent from those of Spain. There was a 
considerable amount of flax near the banks 
of one river, which was called on this ac- 
count El Bio del Lino. No Indians were 
seen during the first day's march, after which 
four Indians came out with signs of peace, 
saying that they had been sent to that 
desert place to say that we were welcome, 
and that on the next day the tribe would 

am Google 


provide the whole force with food. The 
army-master gave them a cross, telling them 
to say to the people in their city that they 
need not fear, and that they should have 
their people stay in their own houses, be- 
cause I was coming in the name of His Maj- 
esty to defend and help them. 

After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado 
came back to tell me that some Indians had 
met him peaceably, and that two of them 
were with the army-master waiting for me, 
I went to them forthwith and gave them 
some paternosters and some little cloaks, 
telling them to return to their city and say 
to the people there that they could stay 
quietly in their houses and that they need 
not fear. After thia I ordered the army- 
master to go and see if there were any bad 
passages which the Indians might be able to 
defend, and to seize and hold any such until 
the next day, when I would come up. He 
went, and found a very bad place in our 
way where we might have received much 
harm. He immediately established himself 
there with the force which he was conduct- 
ing. The Indians came that very night to 
occupy that place so as to defend it, and 
finding it taken, they assaulted our men. 
According to what I have been told, they 
attacked like valiant men, although in the 
end they had to retreat in flight, because the 
army-master was on the watch and kept his 
men in good order. The Indians sounded 
a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


not do any injury to the Spaniards. The 
army-master sent me notice of this the same 
night, so that on the next day I started with 
as good order as I could, for we were in such 
great need of food that I thought we should 
all die of hunger if we continued to be with- 
out provisions for another day, especially the 
Indians, since altogether we did not have 
two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to 
hasten forward without delay. The Indians- 
lighted their fires from point to point, and 
these were answered from a distance with as 
good understanding as we could have shown. 
Thus notice was given concerning how we 
went and where we had arrived. 

As soon as I came within sight of this 
city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia 
Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Fer- 
rando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little 
way ahead, so that they might find the In- 
dians and tell them that we were not coming 
to do them any harm, but to defend them 
in the name of our lord the Emperor. The 
summons, in the form which His Majesty 
commanded in his instructions, was made 
intelligible to the people of the country by 
an interpreter. But they, being a proud 
people, were little affected, because it seemed 
to them that we were few in number, and 
that they would not have any difficulty in 
conquering us. They pierced the gown of 
Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed be 
God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I ar- 
rived with all the rest of the horse and the 

am Google 


footmen, and found a large body of the In- 
dians on the plain, who began to shoot with 
their arrows. In obedience to the orders of 
Your Lordship and of the marquis,' I did 
not wish my company, who were begging 
me for permission, to attack them, telling 
them that they ought not to offend them, 
and that what the enemy was doing was 
nothing, and that so few people ought not 
to be insulted. On the other hand, when 
the Indians saw that we did not move, they 
took greater courage, and grew so bold that 
they came up almost to the heels of our 
horses to shoot their arrows. On this ac- 
count I saw that it was no longer time to 
hesitate, and as the priests approved the ac- 
tion, I charged them. There was little to 
do, because they suddenly took to flight, 
part running toward the city, which was 
near and well fortified, and others toward 
the plain, wherever chance led them. Some 
Indians were killed, and others might have 
been slain if I could have allowed them to 
be pursued. But I saw that there would be 
little advantage in this, because the Indians 
who were outside were few, and those who 
had retired to the city were numerous, be- 
sides many who had remained there in the 
first place. 
As that was where the food was, of which 

1 It Is possible that this to a blunder, in Ramusio's 
text, for "His Majesty." The Marquis, in New 
Spain, is always Cortes, for whom neither Mendoza 
nor Coronado had any especial regard. 

am Google 


we stood in such great need, I assembled 
my whole force and divided them as seemed 
to me best for the attack on the city, and 
surrounded it. The hunger which we suffered 
would not permit of any delay, and bo I dis- 
mounted with some of these gentlemen and 
soldiers. I ordered the musketeers and 
crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive 
back the enemy from the defenses, so that 
they could not do us any injury. I as- 
saulted the wall on one side, where I was 
told that there was a scaling ladder and that 
there was also a gate. But the crossbow- 
men broke all the strings of their crossbows 
and the musketeers could do nothing, be- 
cause they had arrived so weak and feeble 
that they could scarcely stand on their feet; 
On thiB account the people who were on 
top were not prevented at all from defending 
themselves and doing us whatever injury 
they were able. Thus, for myself, they 
knocked me down to the ground twice with 
countless great Btonea which they threw 
down from above, and if I had not been pro- 
tected by the very good headpiece which I 
wore, I think that the outcome would have 
been had for me. They picked me up from 
the ground, however, with two small wounds 
in my face and an arrow in my foot, and 
with many bruises on my arms and lege, and 
in this condition I retired from the battle, 
very weak. I think that if Don Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help, 
like a good cavalier, the second time that 

am Google 


they knocked me to the ground, by placing 
hiB own body above mine, I should have 
been in much greater danger than I was. 
But, by the pleasure of God, these Indians 
surrendered, and their city was taken with 
the help of Our Lord, and a sufficient supply 
of corn was found there to relieve our 

The army-master and Don Pedro de Tovar 
and Ferrando de Alvarado and Paulo de 
Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained 
some bruises, although none of them were 
wounded. Agoniez Quarez was hit in the 
arm by an arrow, and one Torres, who lived 
in Panuco, in the face by another, and two 
other footmen received slight arrow wounds. 
They all directed their attack against me 
because my armor was gilded and glittered, 
and on this account I was hurt more than 
the rest, and not because I had done more or 
was farther in advance than the others ; for 
all these gentlemen and soldiers bore them- 
selves well, as was expected of them. I 
praise God that I am now well, although 
somewhat sore from the stones. Two or 
three other soldiers were hurt in the battle 
which we had on the plain, and three horses 
were killed — one that of Don Lopez and 
another that of Vigliega and the third that 
of Don Alfonso Manrich — and seven or eight 
other horses were wounded ; but the men, as 
well as the horses, have now recovered and 
are well. 


am Google 


Of the situation and condition of the Seven Cities 
called the kingdom of Cevola, and the sort of people 
and their customs, and of the inJB Ms ta which are 
found there. 

It now remains for me to tell about this 
city and kingdom and province, of which 
the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship 
an account. Id brief, I can assure you that 
in reality he has not told the truth in a sin- 
gle thing that he said, but everything is the 
reverse of what he said, except the Dame of 
the city and the large stone houses. For, 
although they are not decorated with tur- 
quoises. Dor made of lime nor of good bricks, 
nevertheless they are very good houses, with 
three and four and five stories, where there 
are very good apartments and good rooms 
with corridors, 1 and some very good rooms 
under ground and paved, which are made 
for winter, and are something like a sort of 
hot baths.' The ladders which they have 
for their houses are all movable and portable, 
which are taken up and placed wherever 
they please. They are made of two pieces 
of wood, with rounds like ours. 

The Seven Cities are seven little villages, 

'Hakluyt: . . . "very excellent good houses of 
three or foure or flue lofts high, -wherein are good 
lodgings and faire chambers with lathers In stead of 

l.g.nzed I:, GoOglt! 


all having the kind of houses I have de- 
scribed. They are all within a radius of 5 
leagues. They are all called the kingdom 
of Cevola, and each has its own name and 
no single one is called Cevola, but all to- 
gether are called Cevola. This one which I 
have called a city I have named Granada, 
partly because it has some similarity to it, 
as well as out of regard for Tour Lordship. 
In this place where I am now lodged there 
are perhaps 200 houses, all surrounded by a 
wall, and it seems to me that with the other 
houses, which are not so surrounded, there 
might be altogether 500 families. There is 
another town near by, which is one of the 
seven, but somewhat larger than this, and 
another of the same size as this, and the 
other four are somewhat smaller. I send 
them all to Your Lordship, painted with 
the route. The skin on which the painting 
is made was found here with other skins. 

The people of the towns seem to me to be 
of ordinary size and intelligent, although I 
do not think that they have the judgment 
and intelligence which they ought to have 
to build these houses in the way in which 
they have, for most of them are entirely 
naked except the covering of their privy 
parts, and they have painted mantles like 
the one which I send to Your Lordship. 
They do not raise cotton, because the coun- 
try is very cold, but they wear mantles, as 
may be seen by the exhibit which I send. 
It is also true that some cotton thread was 

am Google 


found in their houses. They wear the hair 
on their heads like the Mexicans. They all 
have good figures, and are well bred. I 
think that they have a quantity of turquoises, 
which they had removed with the rest of 
their goods, except the corn, when I arrived, 
because I did not find any women here nor 
any men under 15 years or over 60, except 
two or three old men who remained in com- 
mand of all the other men and the warriors. 
Two points of emerald and some little broken 
stones which approach the color of rather 
poor garnets ' were found in a paper, besides- 
other atone crystals, which I gave to one of 
my servants to keep until they could be 
sent to Your Lordship. He has lost them, 
as they tell me. We found fowls, but only 
a few, and yet there are some. The Indians- 
tell me that they do not eat these in any of 
the seven villages, but that they keep them 
merely for the sake of procuring the feathers.* 
I do not believe this, because they are 
very good, and better than those of Mexico. 
The climate of this country and tho tem- 
perature of the air is almost like that of 
Mexico, because it is sometimes hot and 
sometimes it rains. I have not yet seen it 
rain, however, except once when there fell a 
little shower with wind, such as often falls 

1 Many garnets are found on the ant-bills through- 
out the region, especially is the Navajo country. 

* The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and 
turkey feathers are still highly prized by them for 
use in their ceremonies. 


sit, Google 


in Spain. The snow and the cold ate visu- 
ally very great, according to what the natives 
of the country all say. This may very 
probably be so, both because of the nature of 
the country and the sort of houses they build 
and the skins and other things which these 
people have to protect them from the cold. 
There are no kinds of fruit or fruit trees. 
The country is all level, and is nowhere shut 
in by high mountains, although there are- 
some hills and rough passages.' There are 
not many birds, probably because of the 
cold, and because there are no mountains 
near. There are no trees fit for firewood 
here, because they can bring enough for 
their needs from a clump of very small 
cedars 4 leagues distant.' Very good grass 
is found a quarter of a league away, where 
there is pasturage for our horses as well as 
mowing for hay, of which we had great 
need, because our horses were so weak and 
feeble when they arrived. 

The food which they eat in this country 
is corn, of which they have a great abun- 
dance, and beans and venison, which they 
probably eat (although they say that they do- 
not), because we found many skins of deer 
and hares and rabbits. They make the best 

1 It should be noted that Coronado clearly distin- 
guishes between bills or mesas and mountains. Zufii 
valley Is hemmed in by heights varying from 600 to 
1,000 feet. 

1 This accords perfectly with the condition of the 
vegetation in Zufii valley at toe present time. 

am Google 


corn cakes I have ever seen anywhere, and 
this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They 
have the very best arrangement and machin- 
ery for grinding that was ever seen [plate 
LXTvj. One of these Indian women here 
will grind as much as four of the Mexicans. 
They have very good salt in crystals, which 
they bring from a lake a day's journey dis- 
tant from here. No information can be ob- 
tained among them about the North sea or 
that on the west, nor do I know how to tell 
Your Lordship which we are nearest to. I 
should judge that it is nearer to the western, 
and 150 leagues is the nearest that it seems 
to me it can be thither. The North sea 
ought to be much farther away. YourLord- 
Bhip may thus see how very wide the coun- 
try is. They have many animals — bears, 
tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as 
big as a horse, with very large horns and 
little tails. I have seen some of their horns 
the size of which was something to marvel 
at. There: are also wild goats, whose heads 
I have seen, and the paws of the bears and 
the skins df the wild boars. For game they 
have deer, leopards, and very large deer,' 
and every one thinks that some of them are 
larger than that animal which Your Lordship 
favored me with, which belonged to Juan 
Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight 
days' journey toward the north. They have 
some of their skins here very well dressed, 

am Google 


and they prepare and paint them where they 
kill the cows, according to what they tell 


Of the nature arid situation of the kingdoms of 
Totonteac, Marata, and Acus, wholly different from 
the account of Friar Marcos. The conference which 
they had with the Indiana of the city of Granada, 
which they had captured, who had been forewarned 
of the coming of Christians into their country fifty 
yean before. The account which was obtained 
from them concerning seven other cities, of which 
Tucano is the chief, and how he sent to discover 
them. A present sent to Mendoza of various things 
found In this country by Vazquez Coronado. 

These Indiana say that the kingdom of 
Totonteac, which the father provincial praised 
so much, saying that it was something mar- 
velous, and of such a very great size, and that 
cloth was made there, is a hot lake, on the 
edge of which there are five or six houses. 1 
There used to be some others, but these 
have been destroyed by war. The kingdom 
of Marata can not be found, nor do these 
Indians know anything about it. The king- 
dom of Acus is a single small city, where 
they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.* 
I say that this Is the country, because Acus, 
with or without the aspiration, is not a word 

1 Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the na- 
tives intended to communicate. The "hot lake" 
was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on 
page 154, near which Marata was situated. Toton- 
teac was of course Tusayan, or " Tucano. " 

'This is a form of the Zufii name for Acoma— 



an, Google 


in this region ; and because it seema to me 
that Acucu may be derived fromAcus,I say 
that it is this town which has been converted 
into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me 
that there are some other small ones not far 
from this settlement, which are situated on 
a river which I have seen and of which the 
Indians have told me. God knows that I 
wish I had better news to write to Your 
Lordship, but I must give you the truth, 
and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must 
advise you of the good as well as of the bad. 
But you may be assured that if there had 
been all the riches and treasures of the 
world, I could not have done more in His 
Majesty's service and in that of Your Lord- 
ship than I have done, in coming here where 
you commanded me to go, carrying, both my 
companions and myself, our food on our 
backs for 300 leagues, and traveling on foot 
many days, making our way over hills and 
rough mountains, besides other labors which 
I refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think 
of stopping until my death, if it serves His 
Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so. 

Three days after I captured this city, some 
of the Indians who lived here came to offer 
to make peace. They brought me some tur- 
quoises and poor mantles, aud I received 
them in His Majesty's name with as good a 
.speech as I could, making them understand 
the purpose of my coming to this country, 
which is, in the name of His Majesty and 
by the commands of Your Lordship, that 

am Google 


they and all others in this province should 
become Christians and should know the true 
God for their Lord, and His Majesty for 
their king and earthly lord. After this they 
returned to their houses and suddenly, the: 
next day, they packed up their goods and 
property, their women and children, and 
fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, 
with only some few remaining in them. 
Seeing this, I went to the town which I said 
was larger than this, eight or ten days later, 
when I had recovered from my wounds. I 
found a few of them there, whom I told that 
they ought not to feel any fear, and I asked 
them to summon their lord to me. By 
what I can find out or observe, however,- 
□one of these towns have any, since I have 
not seen any principal house by which any 
superiority over others could be shown. 1 
Afterward, an old man, who said he was 
their lord, came with a mantle made of many 
pieces, with whom I argued as long as he 
stayed with me. He said that he would 
come to Bee me with the rest of the chiefs of 
the country, three days later, in order to 
arrange the relations which should exist be- 
tween us. He did so, and they brought me 
some little ragged mantles and some tur- 

1 As clear a description of the form of tribal gov- 
ernment among the Pueblo Indians as ia anywhere 
to be found ia in Bandelier'a Story, The Delight 
Makers. Mr. Bandelier has been most successful In 
his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian 


am Google 


quoises. I said that they ought to come 
down from their strongholds and return to 
their houses with their wives and children, 
and that they should become Christians, and 
recognize His Majesty as their king and 
lord. But they still remain in their strong- 
holds, with their wives and all their property. 
I commanded them to have a cloth painted 
for me, with all the animals that they know 
in that country, and although they are poor 
painters, they quickly painted two for me, 
one of the animals and the other of the birds 
and fishes. They say that they will bring 
their children bo that our priests may in- 
struct them, and that they desire to know 
our law. They declare that it was foretold 
among them more than fifty years ago that 
a people such as we are should come, and 
the direction they should come from, and 
that the whole country would be conquered. 
So far as I can find out, the water is what 
these Indians worship, because they say that 
it makes the corn grow and sustains their 
life, and that the only other reason they 
know is because their ancestors did so. 1 I 
have tried in every way to find out from the 
natives of these settlements whether they 
know of any other peoples or provinces or 

1 Dr. J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown 
that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic of 
Indian ceremonials, Is essentially a prayer for rain. 
Coming as it does just as the natural rainy season 
approaches, the prayer is almost Invariably an- 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


cities. They tell me about seven cities 
which are at a considerable distance, which 
are like these, except that the houses there 
are not like these, hut are made of earth 
[adobe] , and small, and that they raise much 
cotton there. The first of these four places 
about which they know is called, they say, 
Tucano. They could not tell me much 
about the others. I do not believe that they 
tell me the truth, because they think that I 
shall soon have to depart from them and re- 
turn home. But they will quickly find that 
they are deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro 
de Tobar there, with his company and soma 
other horsemen, to see it. I would not have 
dispatched this packet to Your Lordship 
until I had learned what he found there, if 
I thought that I should have any news 
from him within twelve or fifteen days. 
However, as he will remain away at least 
thirty, and, considering that this information 
is of little importance and that the cold and 
the rains are approaching, it seemed to me 
that I ought to do as Your Lordship com- 
manded me in your instructions, which is, 
that as soon as I arrived here, I should ad- 
vise you thereof, and this I do, by sending 
you the plain narrative of what I have seen, 
which is bad enough, as you may perceive. 
I have determined to send throughout all the 
surrounding regions, in order to find out 
whether there is anything, and to suffer 
every extremity before I give up this enter- 
prise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find 

am Google 


any way in which to do it, and not to lack 
in diligence until Your Lordship directs me 
as to what I ought to do. 

We have great need of pasture, and you 
should know, also, that among all those who 
are here there is not one pound of raisins, 
nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except barely 
half a quart, which is saved to say mass, 
since everything is consumed, and part was 
lost on the way. Now, you can provide us 
with what appears best ; but if you are think- 
ing of sending us cattle, you should know 
that it will be necessary for them to spend 
at least a year on the road, because they can 
not come in any other way, nor any quicker. 
I would have liked to send to Your Lord- 
ship, with this dispatch, many samples of 
the things which they have in this country, 
but the trip is so long and rough that it is 
difficult for me to do so. However, I send 
you twelve small mantles, such as the people 
of this country ordinarily wear, and a gar- 
ment which seems to me to be very well 
made. I kept it because it seemed to me to 
be of very good workmanship, and because I 
do not think that anyone has ever seen in 
these Indies any work done with a needle, 
unless it were done since the Spaniards set- 
tled here. And I also send two cloths 
painted with the animals which they have 
in this country, although, as I said, the 
painting is very poorly done, because the 
artist did not spend more than one day in 
painting it. I have seen other paintings on 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


the walls of these houses which have much 
better proportion and are done much better. 
I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, 
and two earrings of the same, and fifteen of 
the Indian combs, 1 and some plates decorat- 
ed with these turquoises, and two baskets 
made of wicker, of which the Indians have 
a large supply. I also send two rolls, such 
as the women usually wear on their heads 
when they bring water from the spring, the 
same way that they do in Spain. One of 
these Indian women, with one of these rolls 
on her head, will carry a jar of water up a 
ladder without touching it with her hands. 
And, lastly, I send you samples of the weap- 
ons with which the natives of this country 
fight, a shield, a hammer, and a bow with 
some arrows, among which there are two 
with bone points, the like of which have 
never been seen, according to what these 
conquerors say. As far as I can judge, it 
does not appear to me that there is any hope 
of getting gold or silver, but I trust in God 
that, if there is any, we shall get cur share 
of it, and it shall not escape us through any 
lack of diligence in the search.' I am una- 
ble to give Your Lordship any certain in- 
formation about the dress of the women, 
because the Indians keep them guarded so 

1 Possibly those used in weaving. 

* The conquerors, in the literature of New Spain, 
are almost always those who shared with Cortes in 
the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of 


am Google 


carefully that I have not seen any, except 
two old women. These had on two long 
skirts reaching down to their feet and open in 
front, and a girdle, and they are tied together 
with some cotton strings. I asked the In- 
dians to give me one of those which they 
wore, to send to you, since they were not 
willing to show me the women. They 
brought me two mantles, which are these 
that I send, almost painted over. They 
have two tassels, like the women of Spain, 
which hang somewhat over their shoulders. 
The death of the negro is perfectly certain, 
because many of the things which he wore 
have been found, and the Indians say that 
they killed him here because the Indiana of 
Chichilticale said that he was a bad man, 
and not like the Christians, because the 
Christiana never kill women, and be killed 
them, and because he assaulted their women, 
whom the TnitifTia love better than them- 
selves. Therefore they determined to kill 
him, but they did not do it in the way that 
was reported, because they did not kill any 
of the others who came with him, nor did 
they kill the lad from the province of Petat- 
lan, who waa with him, but they took him 
and kept him in safe custody until now. 
When I tried to secure him, they made ex- 
cused for not giving him to me, for two or 
three daya, saying that he was dead, and at 
other times that the Indians of Acucu bad 
taken him away. But when I finally told 
them that I should be very angry if they 

am Google 


did not give him to me, they gave him to 
me. He ia an interpreter; for although he 
can not talk much, he understands very 

Some gold and silver has been found in 
this place, which those who know about min- 
erals say is not bad. I have not yet been 
able to learn from these people where they 
got it. I perceive that they refuse to tell 
me the truth in everything, because they 
think that I shall have to depart from here 
in a short time, as I have said. But I trust 
in God that they will not be able to avoid 
answering much longer. I beg Your Lord- 
ship to make a report of the success of this 
expedition to His Majesty, because there is 
nothing more than what I have already said. 
I shall not do so until it shall please God to 
grant that we find what we desire. Our 

Lord God protect and keep your most illus- 
' trious Lordship. From the province of 

Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of 
August, 1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coro- 
nado kisses the hand of your most illustrious 

am Google 



Copt of the Repobts and Desceiptions 
that Have Been Received Regarding 
the Discovery of a City which is 
called Cibola, Situated in the New 

His grace left the larger part of his army 
in the valley of Culiacan, and with only 75 
companions on horseback and 30 footmen, 
he set out for here Thursday, April 22. The 
army which remained there was to start 
about the end of the month of May, because 
they could not find any sort of sustenance 
for the whole of the way that they had to 
go, as far as this province of Cibola, which 
is 350 long leagues, and on this account he 
did not dare to put the whole army on the 
road. As for the men he took with him, he 
ordered them to make provision for eighty 
days, which was carried on horses, each hav- 
ing one for himself and his followers. With 
very great danger of suffering hunger, and 

1 Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Documen- 
tos de Indias, vol, xix.. p. 529. This document la 
anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter 
from some trusted companion, written from Granada- 
Hawikub, about the time of Coronado's letter of 
August 3, 1540. In the title to the document as 
printed, the date is given as 1531 . but there can bo 
so doubt that It is on account of Coronado's journey. 

am Google 


not less labor, since they had to open the 
way, and every day discovered waterways 
and rivers with bad crossings, they stood it 
after a fashion, and on the whole journey 
as far as this province there was not a peck 
of corn. 

He reached this province on Wednesday, 
the 7th of July last, with all the men whom 
he led from the valley very well, praise be 
to Our Lord, except one Spaniard who died 
of hunger four days from here and some 
negroes and Indians who also died of hunger 
and thirst. The Spaniard was one of those 
on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this 
way his grace spent seventy-seven days on 
the road before reaching here, during which 
God knows in what sort of a way we lived, 
and whether we could have eaten much 
more than we ate the day that his grace 
reached this city of Granada, for so it has 
been named out of regard for the viceroy, 
and because they say it resembles the Albai- 
oin.' The force he led was not received the 
way it should have been, because they all 
arrived very tired from the great labor of the 
journey. This, and the loading and unload- 
ing like so many muleteers, and not eating 
as much as they should have, left them more 
in need of resting several days than of fight- 
ing, although there was not a man in the 

1 A part of Granada, near the Alhambra. There 
Is a curious similarity in the names Aibaicin and 
Hawikuh, the latter being the native name of Coro- 
nado's Granada. 

am Google 


army who would not have done his best in 
everything if the horses, who suffered the 
same as their masters, could have helped 

The city was deserted by men over sixty 
years and under twenty, and by women and 
children. All who were there were the 
fighting men who remained to defend the 
city, and many of them came out, about a 
crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The 
general himself went forward with two priests 
and the army-master, to urge them to sur- 
render, as is the custom in new countries. 
The reply that he received was from many 
arrows which they let fly, and they wounded 
Hernando Bermejo's horse and pierced the 
loose flap of the frock of father Friar Luis, 
the former companion of the Lord Bishop of 
Mexico. When this was seen, taking as 
their advocate the Holy Saint James, 1 he 
rushed upon them with all his force, which 
he bad kept in very good order, and although 
the Indians turned their backs and tried to 
reach the city, they were overtaken and 
many of them killed before they could reach 
it. They killed three horses and wounded 
seven or eight. 

When my lord the general reached the city, 
he saw that it was surrounded by stone 
walls, and the houses very high, four and 
five and even six stories apiece, with their 
flat roofs and balconies. As the Indians 

1 Uttering the war cry of Santiago. 

,:: GoOglc 


bad made themselves secure within it, and 
would not let anyone come Dear without 
shooting arrows at him, and as we could not 
obtain anything to eat unless we captured 
it, his grace decided to enter the city on foot 
and to surround it by men on horseback, so 
that the Indians who were inside could not 
get away. As he was distinguished among 
them all by his gilt arms and a plume on 
his headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him, 
because he was noticeable among all, and 
they knocked him down to the ground twice 
by chance stones thrown from the flat roofs, 
and stunned him in spite of his headpiece, 
and if this had not been so good, I doubt if 
he would have come out alive from that en- 
terprise, and besides all this — praised be Our 
Lord that he came out on his own feet — 
they hit him many times with stones on his 
head and shoulders and legs, and he received 
two small wounds on his face and an arrow 
wound in the right foot ; but despite all this 
his grace is as sound and well as the day he 
left that city. And you 1 may assure my 
lord of all this, and also that on the 19th of 
July last he went 4 leagues from this city to 
see a rock where they told him that the 
Indians of this province had fortified them- 
selves,' and he returned the same day, so that 
he went 8 leagues in going and returning. 
I think I have given you an account of 

1 The printed manuscript la T. H., which signifies 
Tour Majesty. 
' Doubtless Thunder mountain. 

Unitized I:, GoOglt! 


everything, for it is right that I should be 
the authority for you and his lordship, to 
assure yon that everything is going well with 
the general my lord, and without any hesita- 
tion I can assure you that he is as well and 
eomid as the day he left the city. He is 
located within the city, for when the Indiana 
saw that his grace was determined to enter 
the city, then they abandoned it, since they 
let them go with their lives. We found in 
it what we needed more than gold and sil- 
ver, and that was much corn and beans and 
fowls, better than those of New Spain, and 
salt, the best and whitest that I have seen 
in all my life. 

This is thb Latest Account op Cibola, 

and of moee than foob hundred 
Leagues Beyond. 1 

It is more than 300 leagues from Culia- 
can to Cibola, uninhabited most of the way. 
There are very few people there ; the coun- 
try is sterile ; the roads are very bad. The 
people go around entirely naked, except the 
women, who wear white tanned deer skins 
from the waist down, something like little 
skirts, reaching to the feet. Their houses 

1 Prom a manuscript In the possession of the fam- 
ily of the late Sr. D. Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, of 
the City of Mexico. This appears to be a transcript 
from letters written, probably at Tfguex, on the Rio 
Grande, during the late summer or early fail of 


ligirized I:, G00gk' 


are of mats made of reeds ; the houses are 
round and small, so that there is hardly room 
inside for a man on his feet. The country 
is sandy where they live near together and 
where they plant. They raise corn, bnt not 
very much, and beans and melons, and they 
also live on game — rabbits, hares, and deer, 
They do not have sacrifices. This is between 
Culiacan and Cibola. 

Cibola is a village of about 200 houses. 
They have two and three and four and five 
stories. The walls are about a handbreadth 
thick ; the sticks of timber are as large aa 
the wrist, and round ; for boards, they have 
very small bushes, with their leaves on, 
covered with a sort of greenish-colored mud ; 
the walls are of dirt and mud, the doors of 
the houses are like the hatchways of ships. 
The houses are close together, each joined 
to the others. Outside of the houses they 
have some hot-houses (or estufas) of dirt 
mud, where they take refuge from the cold 
in the winter — because this is very great, 
since it snows Biz months in the year. 

Some of these people wear cloaks of cotton 
and of the maguey (or Mexican aloe) and of 
tanned deer skin, and they wear Bhoes made 
of these skins, reaching up to the knees. 
They also make cloaks of the skins of hares 
and rabbits, with which they cover them- 
selves. The women wear cloaks of the 
maguey, reaching down to the feet, with 
girdles ; they wear their hair gathered about 
the ears like little wheels. They raise coin 

am Google 


and beans and melons, which is all they 
need to live on, because it is a small tribe. 
The land where they plant is entirely Bandy ; 
the water is brackish ; the country is very 
dry. They have some fowls, although not 
many. They do not know what sort of a 
thing fish is. There are seven villages in 
this province of Cibola within a space of 5 
leagues ; the largest may have about 200 
houses and two others about 200, and the 
others somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30 

It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river 
and province of Tibex [Tiguex] . The first 
village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is 
called Acuco. This village is on top of a 
very strong rock ; it has about 200 houses, 
built in the same way as at Cibola, where 
they speak another language. It is 20 
leagues from here to the river of Tiguex. 
The river is almost as wide as that of 
Seville, although not so deep; it flows 
through a level country ; the water is good ; 
it contains some fish; it rises in the north. 
He who relates this, saw twelve villages 
within a certain distance of the river ; others 
saw more, they say, up the river. Below, 
all the villages are small, except two that 
have about 200 houses. The walls of tbeso 
houses are something like mud walls of dirt 
and sand, very rough ; they are aa thick as 
the breadth of a hand. The houses have 
two and three stories; the construction is 
like those at Cibola. The country is very 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


cold. They have hot-houses, aa in Cibola, 
and the river freezes so thick that loaded 
animals cross it, and it would be possible for 
carts to do so. They raise as much corn as 
they need, and beans and melons. They 
have some fowls, which they keep so as to 
make cloaks of their feathers. They raise 
cotton, although not much ; they wear cloaks 
made of this, and shoes of hide, as at Cibola. 
These people defend themselves very well, 
and from within their houses, since they do 
not care to come out. The country is all 

Four days' journey from the province and 
river of Tiguex four villages are found. The 
first has 30 houses ; the second is a large 
village destroyed in their wars, and has about 
35 houses occupied ; the third about 
These three are like those at the river in 
every way. The fourth is a large village 
which is among Bome mountains. It is 
called Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with 
aa many stories aa those at Cibola. The 
walls are of dirt and mud like thoae at 
Cibola. It has plenty of corn, beans and 
melons, and some fowls. Four days from 
this village they came to a country as level 
as the sea, and in these plains there was 
such a multitude of cows that they are num- 
berleaa. These cows are like those of Castile, 
and somewhat larger, as they have a little 
hump on the withers, and they are more 
reddish, approaching black ; their hair, more 
than a span long, hangs down around their 

sit, Google 


horns and ears and chic, and along the neck 
and shoulders like manes, and down from 
the knees ; all the rest is a very fine wool, 
like merino; they have very good, tender 
meat, and much fat. 

Having proceeded many days through 
these plains, they came to a settlement of 
about 200 inhabited houses. The houses 
were made of the skins of the cows, tanned 
white, like pavilions or army tents. The 
maintenance or sustenance of these Indians 
comes entirely from the cows, because they 
neither sow nor reap corn. With the skins 
they make their houses, with the skins they 
clothe and shoe themselves, of the skins they 
make rope, and 'also of the wool; from the 
sinews they make thread, with which they 
sew their clothes and also their houses ; from 
the bones they make awls ; the dung serves 
them for wood, because there is nothing else 
in that country; the stomachs serve them 
for pitchers and vessels from which they 
drink ; they live on the flesh ; they some- 
times eat it half roasted and warmed over the 
dung, at other times raw; seizing it with 
their fingers, they pull it out with one hand 
and with a flint knife in the other they cut 
off mouthfuls, and thus swallow it half 
chewed ; they eat the fat raw, without warm- 
ing it; they drink the blood just as it leaves 
the cows, and at other times after it has run 
out, cold and raw ; they have no other means 
of livelihood. 

These people have dogs like those in this 

am Google 


country, except that they are somewhat 
larger, and they load these dogs like beasts 
of burden, and make saddles for them like 
our pack saddles, and they fasten them with 
their leather thongs, and these make their 
backs sore on the withers like pack animals. 
When they go hunting, they load these with, 
their necessities, and when they move — for 
these Indians are not settled in one place, 
since they travel wherever tha cows move, 
to support themselves — these dogs carry 
their houses, and they have the sticks of 
their houses dragging along tied on to the 
pack-saddles, besides the load which they 
carry on top, and the load may be, according 
to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds. It is 30 
leagues, or even more, from Cibola to these 
plains where they went. The plains stretch 
away beyond, nobody knows how far. The 
captain, Francisco Vazquez, went farther 
across the plains, with 30 horsemen, and 
Friar Juan do Padilla with him ; all the rest 
of the force returned to the settlement at the 
river to wait for Francisco Vazquez, because 
this was his command. It is not known 
whether ho has returned. 

The country is so level that men became 
lost when they went off half a league. One 
horseman was lost, who never reappeared, 
and two horses, all saddled and bridled, 
which they never saw again. No track was 
left of where they went, and on this account 
it was necessary to mark the road by which 
they went with cow dung, so as to return, 

am Google 


since there were no stones or anything 

Marco Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise, 
in chapter 15, relates and says that (he saw) 
the same cows, with the same sort or hump ; 
and in the same chapter he says that there 
are sheep as big as horses. 

Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account 
to Micer Pogio, the Florentine, in his second 
book, toward the end, which says that in 
Ethiopia there are oxen with a hump, like 
camels, and they have horns 3 cubits long, 
and they carry their horns up over their 
backs, and one of those horns makes a wine 

Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in 
the country of the Tartars, toward the north, 
they have dogs as large or little smaller than 
asses. They harness these into a sort of 
cart and with these enter a very miry coun- 
try, all a quagmire, where other animals can 
not enter and come out without getting 
submerged, and on this account they take 

am Google 


accotwt of what happened on the 
joubney which fsahcisco vazquez 
Made to Discover Cibola. 

When the army reached the valley of 
Culiacan, Francisco Vazquez divided the 
army on account of the bad news which was 
received regarding Cibola, and because the 
food supply along the way was small, accord- 
ing to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had 
just come back from seeing it. He himself 
took 80 horsemen and 25 foot soldiers, and 
a small part of the artillery, and set out 
from Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan d© 
Arellano with the rest of the force, with 
orders to set out twenty days later, and 
when he reached the Valley of Hearts (Cora- 
zones) to wait there for a letter from him, 
which would be sent after he had reached 

1 The Spanish test of this document is printed In 
Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 147, from a copy 
made by Mufloz, and also in Faclieco y Cardenas, 
Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv., p, 318, from a copy 
found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. No 
date Is given in the document, but there can be no 
doubt that it refers to Coronado's expedition. la 
the heading to the document in the Pacueco y Car- 
denas Coleccion, the date is given as 1581, and it is 
placed under that year in the chronologic index of 
the Coleccion. 


am Google 


Cibola, and had seen what was there ; and 
this was done. The Valley of Hearts is 150 
leagues from the valley of Culiacan, and the 
same distance from Cibola. 

This whole distance, up to about 50 
leagues before reaching Cibola, is inhabited, 
although it is away from the road in some 
places. The population is all of the same 
sort of people, since the houses are all of 
palm mats, and some of them have low lofts. 
They all have corn, although not much, and 
in some places very little. They have melons 
and beans. The best settlement of all is a 
valley called Sefiora, which is 10 leagues be- 
yond the Hearts, where a town was afterward 
settled. There is some cotton among these, 
hut deer skins are what most of them use 
for clothes. 

Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on 
account of the small crops. There was no 
corn the whole way, except at this valley of 
Sefiora, where they collected a little, and 
besides this he had what he took from Culia- 
can, where he provided himself for eighty 
days. In seventy-three days we reached 
Cibola, although after bard labor and the 
loss of many horses and the death of several 
Indians, and after we saw it these were all 
doubled, although we did find corn enough. 
We found the natives peaceful for the whole 

The day we reached the first village part 

of them came out to fight us, and the rest 

stayed in the village and fortified themselves. 


am Google 


It was not possible to make peace with 
these, although we tried hard enough, so it 
was necessary to attack them and kill some 
of them. The rest then drew back to the 
village, which was then surrounded and at- 
tacked. We had to withdraw, on account 
of the great damage they did us from the 
fiat roofs, and we began to assault them from 
a distance with the artillery and muskets, 
and that afternoon they surrendered. Fran- 
cisco Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by 
some stones, and I am certain, indeed, that 
he would have been there yet if it had not 
been for the army-master, D. Garcia Lopez 
do Cardenas, who rescued him. When the 
Indians surrendered, they abandoned the 
village and went to the other villages, and 
as they left the houses we made ourselves at 
home in them. 

Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave 
to understand, that the region and neighbor- 
hood in which there are seven villages was 
a single village which he called Cibola, but 
the whole of this settled region is called 
Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200 
and 300 houses; some have the houses of 
the village all together, although in some 
villages they are divided into two or three 
sections, but for the most part they are all 
together, and their courtyards are within, 
and in these are their hot rooms for winter, 
and they have their summer ones outside the 
villages. The houses have two or three 
stories, the walls of stone and mud, and some 

am Google 


have mad walls. The villages have for the 
most part the walls of the houses ; the houses 
are too good for Indians, especially for these, 
since they are brutish and have no decency 
in anything except in their houses. 

For food they have much corn and beans 
and melons, and some fowls, like those of 
Mexico, and they keep these more for their 
feathers than to eat, because they make long 
robes of them, since they do not have any 
cotton ; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a 
fibrous plant), and of the skins of deer, and 
sometimes of cows. 

Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat 
idolatrous, but water is what they worship 
most, to which they offer small painted sticks 
and feathers and yellow powder made of 
flowers, and usually this offering ia made to 
springs. Sometimes, also, they offer such 
turquoises as they have, although poor ones. 

From the valley of Culkcan to Cibola it 
is 240 leagues in two directions. It is north 
to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree, 
and from there to Cibola, which is nearly 
the thirty-seventh degree, toward the north- 

Having talked with the natives of Cibola 
about what was beyond, they said that there 
were settlements toward the west. Fran- 
cisco Vazquez then sent Don Pedro de Tobar 
to investigate, who found seven other vil- 
lages, which were called the province of 
Tuzan ; this is 35 leagues to the west. The 
villages are somewhat larger than those of 

am Google 


Cibola, and in other respects, in food and 
everything, they are of the same sort, except 
that these raise cotton. While Don Pedro 
de Tobar had gone to see these, Francisco 
Vazquez dispatched messengers to the vice- 
roy, with an account of what had happened 
up to this point. 1 He also prepared instruc- 
tions for these to take to Don Tristan, who 
as I have said, was at Hearts, for him to 
proceed to Cibola, and to leave a town estab- 
lished in the valley of Senora, which he did, 
and in it he left 80 horsemen of the men 
who had but one horse and the weakest men, 
and Melchor Diaz with them as captain and 
leader, because Francisco Vazquez had so 
arranged for it. He ordered him to go from 
there with half the force to explore toward 
the west; and he did so, and traveled 150 
leagues, to the river which Hernando de 
Alarcon entered from the sea, which he 
called the Buenaguia. The settlements and 
people that are in this direction are mostly 
like those at the Hearts, except at the river 
and around it, where the people have much 
better figures and have more corn, although 
the houses in which they live are hovels, 
like pig pens, almost under ground, with a 
covering of straw, and made without any 
skill whatever. This river is reported to be 
large. They reached it 30 leagues from the 
coast, where, and as far again above, Alarcon 
had come up with his boats two months be- 

1 See the letter of August 8, 3540. 

am Google 


fore they reached it. This river runs north 
and south there. Melchor Diaz passed on 
toward the west five or six days, from which 
he returned for the reason that he did not 
find any water or vegetation, but only many 
stretches of sand ; and he had some fighting 
on his return to the river and its vicinity, 
because they wanted to take advantage of 
him while crossing the river. While return- 
ing Melchor Diaz died from an accident, by 
which he killed himself, throwing a lance at 
a dog. 

After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and 
had given an account of those villages, he 
then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Car- 
denas, the army-master, by the same road 
Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond that 
province of Tuzan to the west, and be allowed 
him eighty days in which to go and return, 
for the journey and to make the discoveries. 
He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native 
guides, who said there were settlements be- 
yond, although at a distance. Having gone 
60 leagues west of Tuzan, and 80 from 
Cibola, he found the edge of a river down 
which it was impossible to find a path for a 
horse in any direction, or even for a man on 
foot, except in one very difficult place, where 
there was a descent for almost 2 leagues. 
The Bides were such a steep rocky precipice 
that it was scarcely possible to see the river, 
which looks like a brook from above, although 
it is half as large again as that of Seville, ac- 
cording to what they say, so that although 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


they sought for a passage with great dili- 
gence, none was found for a long distance, 
during which they were for several days in 
great need of water, which could not be 
found, and they could not approach that of 
the river, although they could see it, and on 
this account Don Garcia Lopez was forced to 
return. This river conies from the north- 
east and turns toward the south-southwest 
at the place where they found it, so that it 
is without any doubt the one that Melchor 
Diaz reached. 

Four days after Francisco Vazquez had 
dispatched Don Garcia Lopez to make this 
discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Al- 
varado to explore the route toward the east. 
He started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola 
found a rock with a village on top, the 
strongest position that ever was seen in the 
world, which was called Acuco ' in their lan- 
guage, and father Friar Marcos called it the 
kingdom of Hacus. They came out to meet 
us peacefully, although it would have been 
easy to decline to do this and to have stayed 
on their rock, where we would not have 
been able to trouble them. They gave us 
cloaks of cotton, skins of deer and of cows, 
and turquoises, and fowls and other food 

1 The Acoma people call their pueblo Ako, while 
the name for themselves is AkomO, signifying " peo- 
ple of the white rock." The Zufii name of Acoma, 
as previously stated, is Hakukia; of the Acoma 
people. Haku-kwe. Hacua was applied by Niza to 
Hawikuh, not to Acoma — Hodge. 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


which they had, which is the same as in 

Twenty leagues to the east of this rook we 
found a river which runs north and south, 1 
well settled; there are in all, small and 
large, 70 villages near it, a few more or less, 
the same sort as those at Cibola, except that 
they are almost all of well-made mud walls. 
The food is neither more nor less. They 
raise cotton — I mean those who live near the 
river — the others not. There is much corn 
here. These people do not have markets. 
They are settled for 50 leagues along this 
river, north and south, and some villages are 
15 or 20 leagues distant, in one direction 
and the other. This river rises where these 
settlements end at the north, on the slope of 
the mountains there, where there is a larger 
village different from the others, called Yu- 
raba.' It is settled in this fashion: It has 
18 divisions; each one has a situation as if 
for two ground plots; the houses are very 
close together, and have five or six stories, 
three of them with mud walls and two or 
three with thin wooden walls, which become 
smaller as they go up, and each one has its 
little balcony outside of the mud walls, one 
above the other, all around, of wood. In 
this village, as it is in the mountains, they 
do not raise cotton nor breed fowls; they 

1 The Rio Grande. 

•Evidently Taos, the native name of which Is 
Tilata, the Ficuris name being Tuopi, according to 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


wear the skins of deer and cows entirely. 
It is the most populous village of all that 
country; we estimated there were 15,000 
souls in it. There is one of the other kind 
of Tillages larger than all the rest, and very 
strong, which is called Cicuique." It has 
four and five stories, has eight large court- 
yards, each one with its balcony, and there 
are fine houses in it. 

They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls, 
because it is 15 leagues away from the river 
to the east, toward the plains where the 
cows are. After Alvarado had sent an ac- 
count of this river to Francisco Vazquez, he 
proceeded forward to these plains, and at the 
borders of these he found a little river which 
flows to the southwest, and after four days' 
march he found the cows, which are the 
most monstrous thing in the way of animals 
which has ever been seen or read about. 
He followed this river for 100 leagues, find- 
ing more cows every day. We provided 
ourselves with some of these, although at 
first, until we had had experience, at the 
risk of the horses. There is such a quantity 
of them that I do not know what to compare 
them with, except with the fish in the sea, 
because on this journey, as also on that 
which the whole army afterward made when 
it was going to Quivira, there were so many 
that many times when we started to pass 
through the midst of them and wanted to go 

am Google 


through to the other side of them, we were 
not able to, because the country was covered 
with them. The flesh of these is as good as 
that of Castile, and some said it was even 

The bulls are large and brave, although 
they do not attack very much; but they 
have wicked horns, and in a fight use them 
well, attacking fiercely ; they killed several 
of our horses and wounded many. We 
found the pike to be the best weapon to use 
against them, and the musket for use when 
this misses. 

When Hernando de Alvarado returned 
from these plains to the river which was 
called Tiguex, he found the army-master 
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas getting ready 
for the whole army, which was coming there. 
When it arrived, although all these people 
had met Hernando de Alvarado peacefully, 
part of them rebelled when all the force came. 
There were 12 villages near together, and 
one night they killed 40 of our horses and 
mules which were loose in the camp. They 
fortified themselves in their villages, and 
war was then declared against them. Don 
Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it 
and executed justice on many of them. 
When the real saw this, they abandoned all 
except two of the villages, one of these the 
strongest one of all, around which the army 
was kept for two months. And although 
after we invested it, we entered it one day 
and occupied a part of the flat roof, we were 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


forced to abandon this on account, of the 
many wounds that were received and because 
it was so dangerous to maintain ourselves- 
there, and although we again entered it soon 
afterward, in the end it was not possible to 
get it all, and so it was surrounded all this- 
time. We finally captured it because of 
their thirst, and they held out so long be- 
cause it snowed twice when they were just 
about to give themselves up. In the end 
we captured it, and many of them were 
killed because they tried to get away at 

Francisco Vazquez obtained an account 
from some Indians who were found in this 
village of Cicuique, which, if it had been 
true, was of the richest thing that has been 
found in the Indies. The Indian who gave- 
the news and the account came from a vil- 
lage called Harale, 300 leagues east of this 
river. He gave such a clear account of what 
he told, as if it was true and he had seen it, 
that it seemed plain afterward that it was 
the devil who was speaking in him. Fran- 
cisco Vazquez and all of us placed much 
confidence in him, although he was advised 
by several gentlemen not to move the whole 
army, but rather to send a captain to find 
out what was there. He did not wish to do 
this, but wanted to take every one, and even 
to send Don Pedro de Tobar to the Hearts 
for half the men who were in that village. 
So he started with the whole army, and pro- 
ceeded 150 leagues, 100 to the east and 50> 

am Google 


to the south,' and the Indian failing to 
make good what he had said about there 
being a settlement there, and corn, with 
which to proceed farther, the other two 
guides were asked how that was, and one 
confessed that what the Indian said was a 
lie, except that there was a province which 
was called Quivira, and that there waa corn 
and houses of straw there, but that they were 
verr far off, because we had been led astray 
a distance from the road. Considering this, 
and the small supply of food that was left, 
Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the 
captains, determined to proceed with 30 of 
the best men who were well equipped, aud 
that the army should return to the river; 
and this was done at once. Two days before 
this, Don Garcia Lopez' horse had happened 
to fall with him, and he threw his arm out 
of joint, from which he suffered much, and 
so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the 
river with the army. On this journey they 
had a very hard time, because almost all of 
them bad nothing to eat except meat, and 
many suffered on this account. They killed 
a world of bulls and cows, for there were 
days when they brought 60 and 70 head 
into camp, and it was necessary to go hunt- 
ing every day, and on this account, and from 
not eating any corn during all this time, the 
horses suffered much. 

Francisco Vazquez set out across these 

1 Southeast, Id Buckingham Smith's Hufioz copy. 

am Google 


plains in search of Quivira, more on account 
of the story which had been told us at the 
river than from the confidence which was 
placed in the guide here, and after proceed- 
ing many days by the needle (i. e., to the 
north) it pleased God that after thirty days' 
march we found the river Quivira, which is 
30 leagues below the settlement. While 
going up the valley, we found people who 
were going hunting, who were natives of 

All that there is at Quivira is a very 
brutish people, without any decency what- 
ever in their houses nor in any thing. These 
are of straw, like the Taraacan settlements; 
in some villages there are as many as 200 
houses; they have corn and beans and 
melons ; they do not have cotton nor fowls, 
nor do they make bread which is cooked, 
except under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez 
went 25 leagues through these settlements, 
to where he obtained an account of what was 
beyond, and they said that the plains come 
to an end, and that down the river there are 
people who do not plant, but live wholly by 

They also gave an account of two other 
large villages, one of which was called 
Tareque ' and the other Arae, with straw 
houses at Tareque, and at Arae some of 
straw and some of skins. Copper was found 
here, and they said it came from a distance. 

1 Tuieque, in the MuEoz copy. 

HijiNisi i,, Google 


From what the Indian had said, it is possi- 
ble that this village of Arae contains more, 1 
from the clear description of it which he 
gave. We did not find any trace or news of 
it here. Francisco Vazquez returned from 
here to the river of Tiguex, where he found 
the army. We went back by a more direct 
route, because in going by the way we went 
we traveled 330 leagues, and it is not more 
than 200 by that by which we returned. 
Quivira is in the fortieth degree and the river 
in the thirty-sixth. It was so dangerous to 
travel or to go away from the camp in these 
plains, that it is as if one was traveling on 
the sea, since the only roads are those of the 
cowa, and they are so level and have no 
mountain or prominent landmark, that if 
one went out of sight of it, he was lost, and 
in this way we lost one man, and others who 
went hunting wandered around two or three 
days, lost. 

Two kinds of people travel around these 
plains with the cows ; one is called Quere- 
chos and the others Teyas ; they are very 
well built, and painted, and are enemies of 
each other. They have no other settlement 
or location than comes from traveling around 
with the cows. They kill all of these they 
wish, and tan the hides, with which they 
clothe themselves and make their tents, and 
they eat the flesh, sometimes even raw, and 
they alsj even drink the blood when thirsty. 
The tents they make are like field tents, and 

1 Or mines, as Mufioz guesses. 

sit, Google 


they set them up over some poles they have 
made for this purpose, which come together 
and are tied at the top, and when they go 
from one place to another they carry them 
on some dogs they have, of which they have 
many, and they load them with the tents 
and poles and other things, for the country 
is so level, as I said, that they can make nse 
of these, because they carry the poles drag- 
ging along on the ground. The sun is what 
they worship most. The skin for the tents 
is cured on both sides, without the hair, and 
they have the skins of deer and cows left 
over. 1 They exchange some cloaks with the 
natives of the river for corn. 

After Francisco Vazquez reached the river, 
where he found the army, Don Pedro de 
Tobar came with half the people from the 
Hearts, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas 
started off for Mexico, who, besides the fact 
that his arm was very bad, had permission 
from the viceroy on account of the death of 
his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick 
went with him, and not a man among them 
all who could fight. He reached the town 
of the Spaniards and found it burned and 
two Spaniards and many Indiana and horses 
dead, and he returned to the river on this 
account, escaping from them by good fortune 
and great exertions. The cause of this mis- 
fortune was that after Don Pedro started and 
left 40 men there, half of these raised a mu- 

a ii, Google 


tiny and fled, and the Indians, who remem- 
bered the bad treatment they had received, 
attacked them one night and overpowered 
them because of their carelessness and weak- 
ness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco 
Vazquez fell while running a horse about 
this time and was sick a long time, and after 
the winter was over he determined to come 
back, and although they may say something 
different, he did bo, because he wanted to do 
this more than anything, and so we all came 
together as far as Culiacan, and each one 
went where he pleased from there, and Fran- 
cisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make 
his report to the viceroy, who was not at all 
pleased with his coming, although he pre- 
tended so at first. He was pleased that 
Father Friar Juan de Fadilla had stayed 
there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard 
and a negro with him, and Friar Luis, a 
very holy lay brother, stayed in Cicuique. 
We spent two very cold winters at this river, 
with much snow and thick ice. The river 
froze one night and remained so for more 
than a month, so that loaded horses crossed 
on the ice. The reason these villages are 
settled in this fashion is supposed to be the 
great cold, although it is also partly the wars 
which they have with one another. And 
this is all that was seen and found out about 
all that country, which is very barren of 
fruits and groves. Quivira is a better coun- 
try, having many huts and not being so cold, 
although it is more to the north. 

, Google 

BER 20, 1541 * 

Letters feom Francisco Vazquez Coro- 
nado to His Majesty, in which he 
gives an Account of the Discovery 
of the Province of Tiguex. 

Holy Catholic Cssarian Majesty : On 
April 20 of this year I wrote to Your Maj- 
esty from this province of Tiguex, in reply 
to a letter from Tour Majesty dated in Ma- 
drid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed 
account of this expedition, which the vice- 
roy of New Spain ordered roe to undertake 
in Your Majesty's name to this country 
which was discovered by Friar Marcos of 
Nice, the provincial of the order of Holy 
Saint Francis. I described it all, and the 
sort of force I have, as Your Majesty had 
ordered me to relate in my letters; and 
stated that while I was engaged in the con- 
quest and pacification of the natives of this 
province, some Indians who were natives of 
other provinces beyond these had told me 
that in their country there were much larger 

1 The text of this letter is printed in Pacheco y 
Cardenas, Documented de Indias, vol. iii, p. 388, 
from a copy made by Hufioz, and also in the same 
collection, vol, xiii, p. 201, from a copy in the 
Archives of tUe Indies at Seville. 

an, Google 


Tillages and better houses than those of the 
natives of this country, and that they had 
lords who ruled them, who were served with 
dishes of gold, and other very magnificent 
things ; and although, as I wrote Your Maj- 
esty, I did not believe it before I had set 
eyes on it, because it was the report of In- 
dians and given for the most part by means 
of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to 
be very fine and that it was important that 
it should be investigated for Your Majesty's 
service, I determined to go and see it with 
the men I have here. I started from this 
province on the 23d of last April, for the 
place where the Indians wanted to guide me. 
After nine days' march I reached some 
plains, so vast that I did not find their limit 
anywhere that I went, although I traveled 
over them for more than 300 leagues. And 
I found such a quantity of cows in these, of 
the kind that I wrote Your Majesty about, 
which they have in this country, that it is 
impossible to number them, for while I was 
journeying through these plains, until I re- 
turned to where I first found them, there was 
not a day that I lost sight of them. And 
after seventeen days' march I came to a set- 
tlement of Indians who are called Querechos, 
who travel around with these cows, who do 
not plant, and who eat the raw flesh and 
drink the blood of the cows they kill, and 
they tan the skins of the cows, with which 
all the people of this country dress them- 
selves here. They have little field tents 

wed i,, Google 


made of the hides of the cows, tanned and 
greased, very well made, in which they live 
while they travel around near the cows, 
moving with these. They have dogs which 
they laaiCwhich carry their tents and poles 
and belongings. These people have the best 
figures of any that I have seen in the Indies. 
They could not give me any account of the 
country where the guides were taking me. 
I traveled five days more as the guides 
wished to lead me, until I reached some 
plains, with no more landmarks than as if 
we had been swallowed up in the sea, where 
they strayed about, because there was not a 
stone, nor a bit of rising ground, nor a tree, 
nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There 
is much very fine pasture land, with good 
grass. And while we were lost in these 
plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt 
cows fell in with some Indians who also 
. were out hunting, who are enemies of those 
that I had seen in the last settlement, and 
of another sort of people who are called 
Teyas; they have their bodies and faces 
all painted, are a large people like the others, 
of a very good build ; they eat the raw flesh 
just like the Querechos, and live and travel 
round with the cows in the same way as 
these. I obtained from these an account of 
the country where the guides were taking 
me, which was not like what they had told 
me, because these made out that the houses 
there were not built of stones, with stories, 
as my guides had described it, but of straw 

am Google 


and skins, and a small supply of corn 

This news troubled me greatly, to find 
myself on these limitless plains, where I 
was in great need of water, and often had to 
drink it so poor that it was more mud than 
water. Here the guides confessed to me 
that they had not told the truth in regard to 
the size of the houses, because these were of 
straw, but that they had done so regarding 
the large number of inhabitants and the 
other things about their habits. The Teyas 
disagreed with this, and on account of this 
division between some of the Indians and 
the others, and also because many of the 
men I had with me had not eaten anything 
except meat for some days, because we had 
reached the end of the corn which we carried 
from this province, and because they made 
it out more than forty days' journey from 
where I fell in with the Teyas to the coun- 
try where the guides were taking me, al- 
though I appreciated the trouble and danger 
there would be in the journey owing to the 
lack of water and corn, it seemed to me best, 
in order to see if there was anything there 
of service to Your Majesty, to go forward 
with only 30 horsemen until I should be 
able to see the country, so as to give Tour 
Majesty a true account of what was to be 
found in it. I sent all the rest of the force 
I had with me to this province, with Don 
Tristan de Arellano in command, because it 
would have been impossible to prevent the 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing 
to the lack of water and because they also 
had to kill hulls and cows on which to sus- 
tain themselves. And with only the 30 
horsemen whom I took for my escort, I (rav- 
eled forty-two days after I left the force, 
living all this while solely on the flesh of 
the bulls and cows which we killed, at the 
cost of several of our horses which they 
killed, because, as I wrote Your Majesty, 
they are very brave and fierce animals; and 
going many days without water, and cook- 
ing the food with cow dung, because there is 
not any kind of wood in all these plains, 
away from the gullies and rivers, which are 
very few. 

It was the Lord's pleasure that, after hav- 
ing journeyed across these deserts seventy- 
seven days, I arrived at the province they 
call Quivira, to which the guides were con- 
ducting me, and where they had described to 
me houses of stone, with many stories; and 
not only are they not of stone, but of straw, 
but the people in them are as barbarous as 
all those whom I have seen and passed be- 
fore this; they do not have cloaks, nor cot- 
ton of which to make these, but use the 
skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan, 
because they are settled among these on a 
■very large river. They eat the raw flesh like 
the Querechos and Teyas ; they are enemies 
of one another, but are all of the same sort 
of people, and these at Quivira have the ad- 
vantage in the houses they build and in 

am Google 


planting corn. In this province of which 
the guides who brought me are natives, they 
received me peaceably, and although they 
told me when I set out for it that I could 
not succeed in seeing it all in two months, 
there are not more than 25 villages of straw 
houses there and in all the rest of the coun- 
try that I saw and learned about, which gave 
their obedience to Your Majesty and placed 
themselves under your royal overlordship. 

The people here are large. I had several 
Indians measured, and found that they were 
10 palms in height; the women are well 
proportioned and their features are more like 
Moorish women than Indians. The natives 
here gave me a piece of copper which a chief 
Indian wore hung around bis neck ; I sent it 
to the viceroy of New Spain, because I have 
not seen any other metal in these parts ex- 
cept this and some little copper bells which 
I sent him, and a bit of metal which looks 
like gold. I do not know where this came 
from, although I believe that the Indians 
who gave it to me obtained it from those 
whom I brought here in my service, because 
I can not find any other origin for it nor 
where it came from. The diversity of lan- 
guages which existB in this country and my 
not having anyone who understood them, 
because they speak their own language in 
each village, has hindered me, because I 
have been forced to send captains and men 
in many directions to find out whether there 
was anything in this country which could 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


be of service to Your Majesty. And although 
I have Bearched with all diligence I have not 
found or heard of anything, unless it be these 
provinces, which are a very small affair, 

The province of Quivira is 950 leagues 
from Mexico. Where I reached it, it is in 
the fortieth degree. The country itself is 
the best I have ever seen for producing 
all the products of Spain, for besides the 
land itself being very fat and black and being 
very well watered by the rivulets and springs 
and rivers, I found prunes like those of Spain 
[or I found everything they have in Spain] 
and nuts and very good sweet grapes and 
mulberries. I have treated the natives of 
this province, and all the others whom I 
found wherever I went, as well as was pos- 
sible, agreeably to what Tour Majesty had 
commanded, and they have received no harm 
in any way from me or from those who went 
in my company. 1 I remained twenty-five 
days in this province of Quivira, so as to see 
and explore the country and also to find out 
whether there was anything beyond which 
could be of service to Your Majesty, because 
the guides who had brought me had given 
me an account of other provinces beyond this. 
And what I am sure of is that there is not 
any gold nor any other metal in all that 
country, and the other thing3 of which they 
had told me are nothing but little villages, 
and in many of these they do not plant any- 

a ii, Google 


thing and do not have any houses except of 
skins and sticks, and they wander around 
with the cows; bo that the account they 
gave me was false, because they wanted to 
persuade me to go there with the whole 
force, believing that as the way was through 
such uninhabited deserts, and from the lack 
of water, they would get us where we and 
our horses would die of hunger. And the 
guides confessed this, and said they had 
done it by the advice and orders of the na- 
tives of these provinces. At this, after hav- 
ing heard the account of what was beyond, 
which I have given above, I returned to 
these provinces to provide for the force I had 
sent back here and to give Your Majesty an 
account of what this country amounts to, 
because I wrote Your Majesty that I would 
do so when I went there. 

I have done all that I possibly could to 
serve Your Majesty and to discover a coun- 
try where God Our Lord might be served 
and the royal patrimony of Your Majesty 
increased, as your loyal servant and vassal. 
For since I reached the province of Cibola, 
to which the viceroy of New Spain sent me 
in the name of Your Majesty, seeing that 
there were none of the things there of which 
Friar Marcos had told, I have managed to 
explore this country for 200 leagues and 
more around Cibola, and the best place I 
have found is this river of Tiguex where I 
am now, and the settlements here. It would 
not be possible to establish a settlement 



here, for besides being 400 leagues from the 
North sea and more than 200 from the 
South sea, with which it is impossible to 
have any sort of communication, the coun- 
try is so cold, as I have written to Your 
Majesty, that apparently the winter could 
not possibly be spent here, because there is 
no wood, nor cloth with which to protect the 
men, except the skins which the natives 
wear and some small amount of cotton cloaks. 
I send the viceroy of New Spain an account 
of everything I have seen in the countries 
where I have been, and as Don Garcia Lopez 
de Cardenas iB going to kiss Your Majesty's 
hands, who has done much and has served 
Your Majesty very well on this expedition, 
and he will give Your Majesty an account 
of everything here, as one who has seen it 
himself, I give way to him. And may Our 
Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic 
person of Your Majesty, with increase of 
greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal 
servants and vassals desire. From this 

province of Tiguex, October 20, in the year 
1541. Your Majesty's humble servant and 
vassal, who would kiss the royal feet and 

Fbahcisco Vazquez Coeonado. 

am Google 


Account Given by Captain Joan Jaka- 
millo of the journey which he hade 
TO the New Oountet, on which 
Francisco Vazquez Cobonado was the 
General. 1 

We started from Mexico, going directly 
to Compostela, the whole way populated and 
at peace, the direction being west, and the 
distance 112 leagues. From there we went 
to Culiacan, perhaps about 80 leagues; the 
road is well known and much used, because 
there is a town inhabited by Spaniards in 
the said valley of Culiacan, under the gov- 
ernment of Compostela. The 70 horsemen 
who went with the general went in a north- 
westerly direction from this town. He left 
his army here, because information had been 
obtained that the way was uninhabited and 
almost the whole of it without food. He 
went with the said horsemen to explore the 
route and prepare the way for those who 
were to follow. He pursued this direction, 
though with some twisting, until we crossed 

1 The test of this narrative Is found in Bucking- 
bam Smith's Florida, p. 164, from a copy made by 
MuDoz, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentoa do 
India?, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy la the 
Archives of the Indies. 

am Google 


a mountain chain, where they knew about 
New Spain, more than 300 leagues distant. 
To this pass we gave the name of Chichilte 
Calli, because we learned that this was what 
it was called, from some Indians whom we 
left behind. 

Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he 
crossed a river called Pateatlan (or Peteat- 
lan), which was about four days distant. 
We found these Indians peaceful, and they 
gave us some few things to eat. From here 
we went to another river called Cinaloa, 
which was about three days from the other. 
From here the general ordered ten of us 
horsemen to make double marches, lightly 
equipped, until we reached the stream of the 
Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros) , and from there 
we were to enter a break in the mountains 
on the right of the road and see what there 
was in and about this. If more time should 
be needed for this than we gained on him, 
he would wait for us at the said Cedros 
stream. This was done, and all that we 
saw there was a few poor Indians in some 
settled valleys like forma or estates, with 
sterile soil. It was about five more days 
from the river to this stream. From there 
we went to the river called Yaquemi, which 
took about three days. We proceeded along 
a dry stream, and after three daye more of 
marching, although the dry stream lasted 
only for a league, we reached another stream 
where there were some settled Indians, who 
had straw huts and storehouses of corn and 

sit, Google 

the jocwnnr op oorohado 

beans and melons. Leaving here, we went 
to the stream and village which is called 
Hearts (Corazones), the name which was 
given it by Dorantes and Oabeza de Vaca 
and Castillo and the negro Eatebanillo, be- 
cause they gave them a present of the hearts 
of minntf and birds to eat. 

About two days were spent in this village 
of the Hearts. There ie an irrigation stream, 
and the country is warm. Their dwellings 
are hats made of a frame of poles, almost 
like an oven, only very much better, which. 
they cover with mats. They have corn and 
beans and melons for food, which I believe 
never fail them. They dress in deerskins, j 
This appeared to be a good place, and bo 
orders were given the Spaniards who were 
behind to establish a village here, where they 
lived until almost the failure of the expedi- 
tion. There was a poison here, the effect of 
which is, according to what was seen of it, 
the worst that could possibly be found; and 
from what we learned about it, it is die 
sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or 
lentisk, and it grows in gravelly and sterile 
land. We went on from here, passing through 
a sort of gateway, to another valley very 
near this stream, which opens off from this 
same stream, which is called Seflora. It is 
also irrigated, and the Indians are like the 
others and have the same sort of settlements 
and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7 
leagues, a little more or less. 

At first these Indians were peaceful; and 



afterward not, but instead they and those 
whom they were able to summon thither 
were our worst enemies. They have a poi- 
son with which they killed several Chris- 
tians. There are mountains on both sides 
of them, which are not very fertile. From, 
here we went along near this said stream, 
oroBsing it where it makes a bend, to another 
Indian settlement called Ispa.' It takes on» 
day from the last of these others to this 
place. It is of the same sort as those we 
had passed. From here we went through. 
deserted country for about four days to an- 
other river, which we heard called Nexpa, 
where some poor Indians came out to Bee 
the general, with presents of little value, 
with some stalks of roasted maguey and 
pitahayas. We went down this stream two- 
days, and then left the stream, going toward 
the right to the foot of the mountain chain 
in two days' journey, where we heard news 
of what is called Chichiltie Calli Grossing 
the mountains, we came to a deep and reedy 
river, where we found water and forage for 
the horses. From this river back at Nexpa, 
as I have said, it seems to me that the direc- 
tion was nearly northeast. From here, I 
believe that we went in the same direction 
for three days to a river which we called Saint 

'See Randelier's Gilded Man, p. 17S. This Is 
Caatafieda's " Guagariapa " as mistakenly Interpreted 
by T email! Com pans, the present Arispe. or, in the 
Indian dialect, Muc-aritz-pa. The words "Ispa, 
que " are not in the Pacheco j Cardenas copy. 

sit, Google 


John (San Joan), because we reached it on 
his day. Leaving here, we went to another 
river, through a somewhat rough country, 
more toward the north, to a river which we 
called the Bafts (de las Balsas), because we 
had to cross on these, as it was rising. It 
seems to me that we spent two days between 
one river and the other, and I say this be- 
cause it is so long since we went there that 
I may be wrong in some days, though not in 
the rest. From here we went to another 
river, which we called the Slough (de la 
Barranca). It is two short days from one 
to the other, and the direction almost north- 
east. From here we went to another river, 
which we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), 
on account of its water being so, in one 
day's journey, and from here we went by a 
pine mountain, where we found, almost at 
the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet, 
which was another day's march. In the 
neighborhood of this stream a Spaniard, who 
was called Espinosa, died, besides two other 
persons, on account of poisonous plants 
which they ate, owing to the great need in 
which they were, 

From here we went to another river, which 
we called the Bed river (Bennejo), two days' 
journey in the same direction, but less to- 
ward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian 
or two, who afterward appeared to belong to 
the first settlement of Cibola, From here 
we came in two days' journey to the said 
Tillage, the first of Cibola. The houses have 



flat roofs and walls of stone and mud, and 
this was where they killed Steve (Esteba- 
nillo), the negro who had come with Dorantes 
from Florida and returned with Friar Mar- 
cos de Niza. In this province of Cibola 
there are five little villages besides this, all 
with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I 
said. The country is cold, as is shown by 
their houses and hothouses (estufas) . They 
have food enough for themselves, of corn and 
beans and melons. These villages are about 
a league or more apart from each other, 
within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The 
country is somewhat sandy and not very 
salty (or barren of vegetation * ), and on the 
mountains the trees are for the most part 
evergreen. The clothing of the Indians is 
of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they 
also prepare some tanned cowhides, with 
which they cover themselves, which are like- 
shawls, and a great protection. They have> 
square cloaks of cotton, some larger than 
others, about a yard and a half long. The 
Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder 
like a gipsy, and fastened with one end over 
the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. 
From this first village of Cibola, looking to- 
ward the northeast and a little less, on the 
left hand, there is a province called Tucayan, 
about five days off, which has seven flat- 
roof villages, with a food supply as good as 
or better than these, and an even larger 

am Google 


population ; and they also have the skins of 
cows and of deer, and cloaks of cotton, as I 

All the waterways we found as far as this 
one at Cibola — and I do not know but what 
for a day or two beyond — the rivers and 
streams run into the South sea, and those 
from here on into the North sea. 

from this first village of Cibola, as I have 
said, we went to another in the same prov- 
ince, which was about a short day's journey 
off, on the way to Tihuei. It is nine days, 
of such marches as we made, from this set- 
tlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. 
Halfway between, I do not know but it may 
be a day more or less, there is a village of 
earth and dressed stone, in a very strong 
position, which is called Tutahaco. 1 All 
these Indians, except the first in the first 
village of Cibola, received us well. At the 
river of Tihuez there are 15 villages within 
a distance of about 20 leagues, all with fiat- 
roof houses of earth, instead of stone, after 
the fashion of mud walls. There are other 
villages besides these on other streams which 
flow into this, and three of these are, for In- 
dians, well worth seeing, especially one that 
is called Chia,' and another Uraba,' and 
another Cicuique.* Uraba and Cicuique 

1 Acoma. ' Sia. 

1 Identical with Taos— the Braba of Castafieda and 
the Yuraba of the Relation del Suceao. 

* Pecos. In Pacheco v Cardenas this Is spelled 

sit, Google 


have many houses two stories high. All 
the rest, and these also, have com and beans 
and melons, skins, and some long robes of 
feathers which they braid, joining the feathers 
with a sort of thread ; and they also make 
them of a sort of plain weaving with which 
they make the cloaks with which they pro- 
tect themselves. They all have hot rooms 
underground, which, although not very clean, 
are very warm.* They raise and have a very 
little cotton, of which they make the cloaks 
which I have spoken of above. This river 
conies from the northwest and flows about 
southeast, which shows that it certainly 
flows into the North sea. 

Leaving this settlement' and the said 
river, we passed two other villages whose 
names I do not know,' and in four days 
came to Cicuique, which I have already men- 
tioned. The direction of this is toward the 
northeast. From there we came to another 
river, which the Spaniards named after 
Cicuique, in three days; if I remember 
rightly, it seems to me that we went rather 
toward the northeast to reach this river 
where we crossed it, and after crossing this, 
we turned more to the left hand, which 
would be more to the northeast, and began 

'All references to hot rooms or estufas are of 
course to be construed to mean the kl vaa or cere- 
monial chambers. 

* Tiguex Is here doubtless referred to. 

' One of the villages whose names Jaramlllo did 
not know was probably the Ximena (Gslisteo) of 

am Google 


to enter the plains where the cows ate, al- 
though we did not find them for some four 
or five days, after which we began to come 
across bulla, of which there are great num- 
bers, and after going on in the same direc- 
tion and meeting the bulls for two or three 
days, we began to find ourselves in the midst 
of very great numbers of cows, yearlings and 
bulls all in together. We found Indians 
among these first cows, who were, on this 
account, called Querechos by those in the 
flat-roof houses. They do not live in houses, 
but have some sets of poles which they carry 
with them to make some huts at the places 
where they stop, which serve them for houses. 
They tie these poles together at the top and 
stick the bottoms into the ground, covering 
them with some cowskins which they carry 
around, and which, as I have said, serve 
them for houses. From what was learned 
of these Indians, all their human needs are 
supplied by these cows, for they are fed and 
clothed and shod from these. They are a 
people who wander around here and there, 
wherever seems to them best We went on 
for eight or ten days in the same direction, 
along those streams which are among the 

The Indian who guided us from here was 
the one that had given us the news about 
Quevira and Arache (or Arahei) and about 
its being a very rich country with much 
gold and other things, and he and the other 
one were from that country I mentioned, to 

am Google 


which we were going, and we found these 
two Indians in the flat-roof villages. It 
seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go 
to his own country, he proceeded to tell us 
what we found was not true, and I do not 
know whether it was on this account or be- 
cause he was counseled to take us into other 
regions by confusing us on the road, although 
there are none in all this region except those 
of the cows. We understood, however, that 
he was leading us away from the route we 
ought to follow and that he wanted to lead 
us on to those plains where he had led us, 
so that we would eat up the food, and both 
ourselves and our horses would become weak 
from the lack of this, because if we should 
go either backward or forward in this condi- 
tion we could not make any resistance to 
whatever they might wish to do to us. From 
the time when, as I said, we entered the 
plains and from this settlement of Quere- 
chos, he led us off more to the east, until we 
came to be in extreme need from the lack of 
food, and as the other Indian, who was his 
companion and also from his country, saw 
that he was not taking us where we ought 
to go, since we had always followed the 
guidance of the Turk, for so he was called, 
instead of his, he threw himself down in the 
way, making a sign that although we cut off 
his head he ought not to go that; way, nor 
was that our direction. 

I believe we had been traveling twenty 

days or more in this direction, at the end of 


am Google 


which we found another settlement of In- 
dians of the same sort and way of living as 
those behind, among whom there was an old 
blind man with a beard, who gave us to 
understand, by signs which he made, that 
he had seen four others like us many dajjs 
before, whom he had seen near there and 
rather more toward New Spain, and we so 
understood him, and presumed that it was 
Dorantea and Cabeza de Vaca and those 
whom I have mentioned. 

At this settlement the general, seeing our 
difficulties, ordered the captains, and the 
persons whose advice ho was accustomed 
to take, to assemble, so that we might dis- 
cuss with him what was best for all. It 
seemed to us that all the force should go 
back to the region we had come from, in 
search of food, so that they could regain 
(heir strength, and that 30 picked horsemen 
should go in search of what the Indian had 
told about ; and we decided to do this. We 
all went forward one day to a stream which 
was down in a ravine in the midst of good 
meadows, to agree on who should go ahead 
and how the rest should return. Here the 
Indian Isopete, as we had called the com- 
panion of the said Turk, was asked to tell us 
the truth, and to lead us to that country 
which we had come in search of. He said 
he would do it, and that it was not as the 
Turk had said, because those were certainly 
fine things which he had said and had given 
us to understand at Tihuex, about gold and 

am Google 


how it was obtained, and the buildings, and 
the style of them, and their trade, and many 
other things told for the sake of prolixity, 
which had led us to go in search of them, 
with the advice of all who gave it and of 
the priests. He asked ua to leave him after- 
ward in that country, because it was his na- 
tive country, as a reward for guiding us, and 
also, that the Turk might not go along with 
him, because he would quarrel and try to 
restrain him in everything that he wanted 
to do for our advantage; and the general 
promised him this, and said he would be 
with one of the thirty, and he went in this 
way. And when everything was ready for 
as to set out and for the others to remain, 
we pursued our way, the direction all the 
time after this being toward the north, for 
more than thirty days' march, although not 
long marches, not having to go without 
water on any one of them, and among cows 
all the ■ time, some days in larger numbers 
than others, according to the water which 
we came across, so that on Saint Peter and 
Paul's day we reached a river which we 
found to be there below Quibira. 

When he reached the said river, the In- 
dian recognized it and said that was it, and 
that it was below the settlements. We 
crossed it there and went up the other side 
on the north, the direction turning toward 
the northeast, and after inarching three days 
we found some Indians who were going 
hunting, killing the cows to take the meat 

ligirized I:, G00gk 


to their village, which was about three or 
four days still farther away from us. Here 
where we found the Indians and they saw 
us, they began to utter yells and appeared 
to fly, and some even had their wives there 
with them. The Indian Isopete began to 
call them in his language, and so they came 
to us without any signs of fear. When we 
and these Indians had halted here, the gen- 
eral made an example of the Indian Turk, 
whom we had brought along, keeping him 
all the time out of sight among the rear 
guard, and having arrived where the place 
was prepared, it was done in such a way 
that the other Indian, who was called Iso- 
pete, should not see it, so as to give him the 
satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfac- 
tion was experienced here on seeing the good 
appearance of the earth, and it is certainly 
such among the cows, and from there on. 
The general wrote a letter here to the gov- 
ernor of Harahey and Quibiia, having under- 
stood that he was a Christian from the lost 
army of Florida, because what the T"dia n 
had said of their manner of government and 
their general character had made us believe 
this. So the Indians went to their houses, 
which were at the distance mentioned, and 
we also proceeded at our rate of marching 
until we reached the settlements, which we 
found along good river bottoms, although 
without much water, and good streams which 
flow into another, larger than the one I have 
mentioned. There were, if J recall correctly, 

an, Google 


six or seven settlements, at quite a distance 
from one another, among which we traveled 
for four or five days, since it was understood 
to be uninhabited between one stream and 
the other. 

"We reached what they eaid was the end 
of Quibira, to which they took us, saying 
that the things there were of great impor- 
tance. 1 Here there was a river, with more 
water and more inhabitants than the others. 
Being asked if there was anything beyond, 
they said that there was nothing more of 
Quibira, but that there was Harahey, and 
that it was the same sort of a place, with 
settlements like these, and of about the same 
size. The general sent to summon the lord 
of those parts and the other Indians who 
they said resided in Harahey, and he came 
with about 200 men — all naked — with 
bows, and some sort of things on their heads, 
and their privy parts slightly covered. He 
was a big Indian, with a large body and 
limbs, and well proportioned. After he had 
heard the opinion of one and another about 
it, the general asked them what we ought to 
do, reminding us of how the army had been 
left and that the rest of us were there, so 
that it seemed to all of us that as it was 
already almost the opening of winter, for, if 
I remember rightly, it was after the middle 
of August, and because there was little to 

1 In Buckingham Smith's copy occurs the phrase, 
"que decian elloa para sigmflcarnoBlo Teucarea." 
This is not in Pacheco j Cardenas. 

am Google 


winter there for, and we were but very little 
prepared for it, and the uncertainty aa to 
the success of the army that had been left, 
and because the winter might dose the toads, 
with snow and riven which we could not 
croea, and also in order to see what had hap- 
pened to the rest of the force left behind, it 
seemed to ua all that his grace ought to go- 
back in search of them, and when he had 
found out for certain how they were, to win- 
ter there and return to that country at the 
opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it. 

Since, as I said, this was tbe last point 
which we reached, here the Turk saw that 
he had lied to ub, and one night he called 
on all these people to attack us and kill us. 
We learned of it, and put him under guard 
and strangled him that night bo that he 
never waked up. With the plan mentioned,, 
we turned back it may have been two or 
three days, where we provided ourselves 
with picked fruit and dried corn for our re- 
turn. The general raised a cross at this 
place, at the foot of which he made some 
letters with a chisel, which said that Fran- 
cisco Vazquez de Coronado, general of that 
army, had arrived here. 

This country presents a very fine appear- 
ance, than which I have not seen a better in 
all our Spain nor Italy nor a part of France, 
nor, indeed, in the other countries where I 
have traveled in His Majesty's service, for 
it is not a very rough country, but is made 
up of hillocks and plains, and very fine ap- 

sit, Google 


pearing rivers and streams, which certainly 
satisfied me and made me sure that it will 
be very fruitful in all sorts of products. In- 
deed, there is profit in the cattle ready to the 
hand, from the quantity of them, which is. 
as great as one could imagine. We found a 
variety of Castilian prunes which are not all 
red, hut some of them black and green ; the 
tree and fruit is certainly like that of Cas- 
tile, with a very excellent flavor. Among 
the cows we found flax, which springs up 
from the earth in clumps apart from one 
another, which are noticeable, as the cattle 
do not eat it, with their tops and blue 
flowers, and very perfect although small, 
resembling that of our own Spain (or and 
sumach like ours in Spain). There are- 
grapes along some streams, of a fair flavor, 
not to be improved upon. 

The houses which these Indians have 
were of straw, and most of them round, and 
the straw reached down to the ground like a 
wall, so that they did not have the sym- 
metry or the style of these here ; they have 
something like a chapel or sentry box out- 
side and around these, with an entry, where 
the Indians appear seated or reclining. The 
Indian Isopete was left here where the cross 
was erected, and we took five or six of the 
Indians from these villages to lead and guide 
us to the flat-roof houses.' Thus they 
brought us back by the same road as far aa 

The pueblos of the Rio Qranda. 

am Google 


where I said before that we came to a rivet 
called Saint Peter and Paul's, and here we 
left that by which we had come, and, taking 
the right hand, they led us along by water- 
ing places and among cows and by a good 
road, although there are none either one way 
or the other except those of the cows, as I 
have said. At last we came to where we 
recognized the country, where I said we 
found the first settlement, where the Turk 
led us astray from the route we should have 
followed. Thus, leaving the rest aside, we 
reached Tiguez, where we found the rest of 
the army, and here the general fell while 
running his horse, by which he received a 
wound on his head which gave symptoms of 
turning out badly, and he conceived the idea 
of returning, which ten or twelve of us were 
unable to prevent by dissuading him from it. 
When this return bad been ordered, the 
Franciscan friars who were with us — one of 
them a regular and the other a lay brother — 
who were called, the regular one Friar Juan 
de Padilla and the lay one Friar Luis de 
Escalona, were told to get ready, although 
they had permission from their provincial 
so that they could remain. Friar Luis wished 
to remain in these flat-roof houses, saying 
that he would raise crosses for those vil- 
lagers with a chisel and adze they left him, 
and would baptize several poor creatures who 
could be led, on the point of death, so as to 
send them to heaven, for which he did not 
desire any other company than a little slave 

., .Google 


of mine who was called Christopher, to be 
his consolation, and who he said would learn 
the language there quickly so as to help 
him; and he brought up so many things in 
favor of this that he could not be denied, 
and so nothing more has been heard from 
him. The knowledge that this friar would 
remain there was the reason that many In- 
dians from hereabouts stayed there, and also 
two negroes, one of them mine, who was 
called Sebastian, and the other one of Mel- 
chor Perez, the son of the licentiate la Torre. 
This negro was married and had his wife 
and children. I also recall that several In- 
dians remained behind in the Qui vira region, 
besides a Tarascan belonging to my com- 
pany, who was named Andrew. Friar Juan 
de Padilla preferred to return to Quivira, 
and persuaded them to give him those In- 
dians whom I said we had brought as guides, 
They gave him these, and he also took a 
Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking In- 
dian, who was the interpreter, and who 
passed as a Franciscan friar, and a half-blood 
and two Indians from Capottan (or Capotean) 
or thereabout*, I believe. He had brought 
these up and took them in the habits of 
friars, and he took some sheep and mules 
and a horse and ornaments and other trifles. 
I do not know whether it was for the sake 
of these or for what reason, but it seems 
that they killed him, and those who did it 
were the lay servants, or these same Indians 
whom he took back from Tiguex, in return 

sit, Google 


for the good deeds which he had done. 
When he was dead, the Portuguese whom I 
mentioned fled, and also one of the Indians 
that I said he took in the habits of friars, 
or both of them, I believe. I mention this 
because they came back to this country of 
New Spain by another way and a shorter 
route than the one of which I have told, and 
they came out in the valley of Fanico. 1 I 
have given Gonzalo Solis de Moras and Isi- 
dore de Solis an account of this, because it 
seemed to me important, according to what 
I say I have understood, that His Majesty 
ordered Your Lordship to find or discover a 
way so as to unite that land to this. It is 
perhaps also very likely that this Indian Se- 
bastian, during the time he was in Quivira, 
learned about its territory and the country 
round about it, and also of the sea, and the 
road by which he came, and what there is 
to it, and how many days' journey before 
arriving there. So that I am sure that if 
Tour Lordship acquires this Quivira on this 
account, I am certain that he can confidently 
bring many people from Spain to settle it 
according to the appearance and the charac- 
ter of the land. 

1 This Is the spelling of Panuco In both texts. 

wed I:, Google 



Discovered Going in Search of the 
South Ska.' 

We set out from Granada on Sunday, the 
day of the beheading of Saint John the Bap- 
tist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540, 
on the way to Coco.' After we had gone 2 
leagues, we came to an ancient building 
like a fortress, and a league beyond this we 
found another, and yet another a little farther 
on, and beyond these we found an ancient 
city, very large, entirely destroyed, although 
a large part of the wall was standing, which 
was six times as tall as a man, the wall well 
made of good worked stone, with gates and 
gutters like a city in Castile. Half a league 
or more beyond this, we found another ruined 
city, the walls of which must have been very 
fine, built of very large granite blocks, as- 
high as a man and from there up of very 

1 The text of this report la printed In Buckingham; 
Smith's Florida, p. 65, from the Mufioi copy, and 
In Paoheco y Cardenas, Boctunentcn de ludias, vol 
111, p. 611. 

1 Aenco or Acoma. The route taken by Alrarede 
was not the same as that followed by Ooroaado, who 
went by way of Matsaki. Alvarado'a course was 
the old Acoma trail which led directly eastward 
from Hawlkuh or 0]o Caliente. 

HijiNzsi i,, Google 


good quarried stone. Here two roads sepa- 
rate, one to Chia and the other to Coco; we 
took this latter, and reached that place, 
which is one of the strongest places that we 
have Been, because the city is on a very high 
rock, with such a rough ascent that we re- 
pented having gone up to the place. The 
houses have three or four stories ; the people 
are the same sort as those of the province of 
Cibola; they have plenty of food, of corn 
and beans and fowls like those of New- 
Spain. From here we went to a very good 
lake or marsh, where there are trees like 
those of Castile, and from there we went to 
a river, which we named Our Lady (Nuestra 
Sefiora), because we reached it the evening 
before her day in the month of September.' 
We sent the cross by a guide to the villages 
in advance, and the next day people came 
from twelve villages, the chief men and the 
people in order, those of one village behind 
those of another, and they approached the 
tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old 
man for spokesman. In this fashion they 
came into the tent and gave me the food 
and clothes and skins they had brought, and 
I gave them some trinkets, and with this 
they went off. 

This river of Our Lady flows through a 
very wide open plain sowed with corn 
plants; there are several groves, and there 

1 Day of the nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Sep- 
tember 8. This wu the Tigues or present Rio 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


are twelve villages. The houses are of 
earth, two stories high; the people have a 
good appearance, more like laborers than a 
warlike race ; they have a large food supply 
of com, beans, melons, and fowl in great 
plenty ; they clothe themselves with cotton 
and the skins of cows and dresses of the 
feathers of the fowls ; they wear their hair 
short. Those who have the roost authority 
among them are the old men ; we regarded 
them as witches, because they say that they 
go up into the sky and other things of the 
same aort. In this province there are seven 
other villages, depopulated and destroyed by 
those Indians who paint their eyes, of whom 
the guides will teU Your Grace ; they say 
that these live in the same region as the 
cows, and that they have corn and houses of 

Here the people from the outlying prov- 
inces came to make peace with me, and' as 
Your Grace may see in this memorandum,, 
there are 80 villages there of the same sort 
as I have described, and among them one 
which is located on some streams; it ia 
divided into twenty divisions, which ia 
something remarkable ; the houses have three 
stories of mud walls and three others made 
of small wooden hoards, and on the outside 
of the three stories with the mud wall they 
have three balconies; it seemed to us that 
there were nearly 15,000 persona in this vil- 
lage. The country is very cold; they do 
not raise fowls nor cotton ; they worship the 

sit, Google 


sun and water. We found mounds of dirt 
outside of the place, where they are buried. 

In the places where crosses were raised, 
we saw them worship these. They made 
offerings to these of their powder and feathers, 
and some left the blankets they had on. 
They showed so much zeal that some climbed 
up on the others to grasp the arms of the 
cross, to place feathers and flowers there; 
and others bringing ladders, while some held 
them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten 
the flowers and the feathers. 

ligirized I:, G00gk' 


At Compoatela, on February 21, 1540, 
Coronado presented a petition to the viceroy 
Meadoza, declaring that he had observed that 
certain persons who were not well disposed 
toward the expedition which was about to 
start for the newly discovered country had 
said that many of the inhabitants of the 
City of Mexico and of the other cities and 
towns of New Spain, and also of Compoatela 
and other places in this province of New 
Galicia were going on the expedition at his 
request or because of inducements offered by 
him, as a result of which the City of Mexico 
and New Spain were left deserted, or almost 
bo. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order 
that information be obtained, in order that 
the truth might be known about the citizens 
of New Spain and of this province who were 
going to accompany him. He declared that 
there were very few of these, and that they 
were not going on account of any attraction 

1 Translated freely and abridged from the deposi- 
tions as printed fa P&checo y Cardenas, Documentor 
de Indlaa, vol. xlv, p. 878. Bee note on page 877. 
The statements of the preceding witnesses are usu- 
ally repeated, In effect, in the testimony of those 
who follow. 


],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


or inducement offered by him, but of their 
own free will, and aa there were few of 
them, there would not be any lack of people 
in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar, 
the factor or royal agent, and Fero Almidez. 
Cherino, the veedor or royal inspector of His 
Majesty for New Spain, and other citizens 
of Mexico who knew all the facts and had 
the necessary information, were present 
there, Coronado asked His Grace to provide 
and order that which would best serve His 
Majesty's interests and the welfare and se- 
curity of New Spain. 

The viceroy instructed the licenciate Mal- 
donado, oidor of the royal audiencia, 1 to 
procure this information. To facilitate the 
hearing he provided that the said factor and 
veedor and the regidores, and others who 
were there, should attend the review of the 
army, which was to be held on the follow- 
ing day. Nine of the desired witnesses were 
also commanded by Maldonado to attend 
the review and observe those whom they 
knew in the army. 

On February 26* the licentiate Maldo- 
nado took the oaths of the witnesses in 
proper form, and they testified to the follow- 
ing effect : 

Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of 
Mexico, stated that he had been present on 
the preceding Sunday, at the review of the 

],!,r,z«j I:, Google 


force which the viceroy was Bending for the 
pacification of the country recently discov- 
ered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos 
de Kiza, and that he had taken note of the 
force as the men passed before him ; and at 
his request he had also been allowed to see 
the list of names of those who were enrolled 
in the army ; and he declared that in all the 
said force he did not recognize any other 
citizens of Mexico who were going except 
Domingo Martin, a married man, whom he 
had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and 
provided him with messengers; and one 
Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his 
wife and a son, and who was formerly a 
shoemaker; and a young man, son of the 
haehiller Alonso Perez, who had come only 
a few days before from Salamanca, and who 
had been sent to the war by his father on 
account of his restlessness ; and two or three 
other workmen or tradespeople whom he had 
seen at work in Mexico, although he did not 
know whether they were citizens there ; and 
on his oath he did not see in the whole 
army anyone else who was a citizen of Mex- 
ico, although for about fourteen years he had 
been a citizen and inhabitant of that city, 
unless it was the captain-general, Francisco 
Vazquez da Coronado, and Lopez de Sa- 
maniego the army -master; and, moreover, 
he declared that he felt certain that those 
above mentioned were going of their own 
free will, like all the rest. 

Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the 

sit, Google 


Mexico, who was present 
from beginning to end of the review of the 
preceding Sunday, testified in similar form. 
He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly 
been a citizen of Mexico, hut that for a long 
time his house had been empty and he had 
traveled as a trader, and that he was going 
in search of something to live on ; and one 
Domingo Martin waa also going, who 
formerly lived in Mexico, and whose resi- 
dence he had not known likewise for a long 
time, nor did he think that he had one, be- 
cause he had not seen him living in Mexico. 
He did not think it would have been possi- 
ble for any citizens of Mexico to have been 
there whom he did not know, because he 
had lived in Mexico during the twenty years 
since he came to Mexico, and ever since the 
city was established by Christians, and be- 
sides, he had been a magistrate for fifteen 
years. And besides, all those whom he did 
see who were going, were the most contented 
of any men he had ever seen in this country 
starting off for conquests. After the force 
left the City of Mexico, he had been there, 
and had noticed that it was full of people 
and that there did not seem to be any scarc- 
ity on account of those who had started on 
this expedition. 

Gcnzaio de Salazar, His Majesty's factor 
for New Spain, and also a magistrate of the 
City of Mexico, declared that the only per- 
son on the expedition who possessed a 
xepartimiento or estate in New Spain was 



the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, 
and that be had noticed one other citizen 
who did not have a repartimiento. He had 
not seen any other citizen of Mexico, nor of 
New Spain, although one of the greatest 
benefits that could have been done New 
Spain would have been to draw off the young 
and vicious people who were in that city 
and all over New Spain. 

Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty's 
veedor in New Spain, had, among other 
things, noted the horses and arms of those 
who were going, during the review. He 
had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and 
Alonso Sanchez and his wife, whom he did 
not know to be a citizen, and Domingo 
Martin, who was away from Mexico during 
most of the year. All the rest of the force 
were people without settled residences, who 
had recently come to the country in search 
■of a living. It seemed to him that it was a 
very fortunate thing for Mexico that the 
people who were going were about to do ao 
because they had been injuring the citizens 
there. They had been for the most part vi- 
cious young gentlemen, who did not have 
anything to do in the city nor in the coun- 
try. They were all going of their own free 
will, and were very ready to help pacify 
the new country, and it seemed to him that 
if the said country had not been discovered, 
almost all of these people would have gone 
back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru 
or other places in search of a living. 

HijiNisi i,, Google 


Sorran Bejarano, who had been in business 
among the inhabitants of Mexico ever since 
he came to that city, added the information 
that he knew Alonso Sanchez to be a pro- 
vision dealer, buying at wholesale and sell- 
ing at retail, and that he was in very great 
need, having nothing on which to live, and 
that he was going to that country in search, 
of a living. He was also very sure that it- 
was a great advantage to Mexico and to its 
citizens to have many of the unmarried men 
go away, because they had no occupation 
there and were bad characters, and were for 
the meet part gentlemen and persons who 
did not hold any property, nor any reparti- 
mientos of Indians, without any income, and 
lazy, and who would have been obliged to 
go to Peru or some other region. 

Cristobal de Ofiate had been in the coun- 
try about sixteen years, a trifle more or less,, 
and was now His Majesty's veedor for New 
Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico, 
and also declared that not a citizen of Com- 
postela was going on the expedition. Two 
citizens of Guadalajara were going, one of 
whom was married to an Indian, and the 
other was single. As for the many young 
gentlemen and the others who were going, 
who lived in Mexico and in other parts of 
New Spain, it seemed to him that their de- 
parture was a benefit rather than a disad- 
vantage, because they were leading vicious 
lives and had nothing with which to support 

am Google 


When these statements and depositions 
bad all been duly received, signed, and at- 
tested, and had been shown to his most 
illustrious lordship, the viceroy, he ordered 
an authorized copy to be taken, which was 
made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Maj- 
esties' court and of the royal audiencia of 
New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, wit- 
nessed by the secretary, Antonio de Alma- 
guer, and sent to His Majesty, to he laid 
before the lords of the council, that they 
might provide and order that which should 
be most serviceable to their interests. 

am Google 



With Introductions, Illustration* 

i 7 *hmu ,nd Ml P» lam*. Cktk 

Prof. John Bach McMaster 

Voyage* from Montreal through the Continent 
of North America to the Froxen and Pacific 
Oceana in 1780 and 1703 

By Alexander Msckenak In In vnhwri 

History of the Expedition under the Command 
of Captains Lewia and Clark to the Sources of 
the Miaaonri, acroaa the Rocky Hon ntalna, down 
the Columbia River to the Pacific in 1804-1806 
With an account of the Louuiuu Purchase by Prof. 
John Bach McMuter, and an Inrrainetion 



A History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada 

which are Dependent upon the Province of New 

York By CadwsUader Colden In tm warn 

By Daniel Wm. Harmon, ■ partner in the Northwe 


d« Google